After World War II, collectively bargained private pensions were installed as an alternative to Social Security expansions. But these plans began to go into decline in the 1980s, when defined-contribution retirement accounts, such as 401(k)s, came to replace them. This article makes three arguments about this rise and fall to contribute toward a theory of structural contingency. First, in both episodes, state intervention into labor-management relations triggered policy changes in the private pension system. Second, policy makers were motivated to intervene because of a structural condition—namely, to manage perceived crises in capitalism. And third, the particular way they intervened and how their policy choices spurred pension marketization were driven by contingent historical circumstances. This article argues that structural constraints that inhere in capitalist democracies established a range of possible policy options available to policy makers, yet contingent and historical factors channeled policy selection within that range.
{"title":"Structural Contingencies: Capitalist Constraints and Historical Contingency in the Rise and Fall of Pensions","authors":"Michael Mccarthy","doi":"10.1086/702547","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/702547","url":null,"abstract":"After World War II, collectively bargained private pensions were installed as an alternative to Social Security expansions. But these plans began to go into decline in the 1980s, when defined-contribution retirement accounts, such as 401(k)s, came to replace them. This article makes three arguments about this rise and fall to contribute toward a theory of structural contingency. First, in both episodes, state intervention into labor-management relations triggered policy changes in the private pension system. Second, policy makers were motivated to intervene because of a structural condition—namely, to manage perceived crises in capitalism. And third, the particular way they intervened and how their policy choices spurred pension marketization were driven by contingent historical circumstances. This article argues that structural constraints that inhere in capitalist democracies established a range of possible policy options available to policy makers, yet contingent and historical factors channeled policy selection within that range.","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/702547","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42118375","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Globalization has complicated comparative research. What I call the connective and the integrative moments of globalization influence the comparative gesture differently; while one erodes the boundaries of the case, that is, of the empirical core of comparative research, the other makes comparison theoretically more plausible. Drawing on the heterogeneous epistemologies and histories of disciplines, which ultimately underlie passions for or against comparison, these two moments foster different intellectual endeavors—transnational and global approaches—often set up in opposition. I propose a more synthetic framework of oscillating comparison, which draws equally on the connective and integrative aspects of globalization, engaging the corresponding critical insights in a more productive dialogue. The article outlines a composite strategy that oscillates between different levels and forms of comparison and merges into an overarching framework the transnational approach (through case extension) and the global approach (through incorporated comparison) while expanding the practice of comparative research.
{"title":"Comparing in Global Times: Between Extension and Incorporation","authors":"Judit Bodnár","doi":"10.1086/702546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/702546","url":null,"abstract":"Globalization has complicated comparative research. What I call the connective and the integrative moments of globalization influence the comparative gesture differently; while one erodes the boundaries of the case, that is, of the empirical core of comparative research, the other makes comparison theoretically more plausible. Drawing on the heterogeneous epistemologies and histories of disciplines, which ultimately underlie passions for or against comparison, these two moments foster different intellectual endeavors—transnational and global approaches—often set up in opposition. I propose a more synthetic framework of oscillating comparison, which draws equally on the connective and integrative aspects of globalization, engaging the corresponding critical insights in a more productive dialogue. The article outlines a composite strategy that oscillates between different levels and forms of comparison and merges into an overarching framework the transnational approach (through case extension) and the global approach (through incorporated comparison) while expanding the practice of comparative research.","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/702546","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46715949","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines the relationship between the Taiwan camphor industry and Japan’s conquest of the island’s Indigenous peoples. Between 1895 and 1915, Japanese police and military forces invaded Taiwan’s Indigenous highlands for control of camphor. At the dawn of the twentieth century, camphor crystals were a vital natural resource used in the production of celluloid, pharmaceuticals, and industrial chemicals. The consequences of this single commodity were far reaching, as Japanese pacification armies shelled and burned Indigenous villages to the ground, forcibly relocated tens of thousands, and killed both resistance fighters and innocent civilians. This article looks at the ways in which the productive and consumptive demands of the camphor industry directly shaped the political, military, and ideological structures of imperial governance in upland Taiwan. Through the prism of the Taiwan case, it examines the violent forms of colonial occupation that accompany the imposition of capitalist social relations on native societies.
{"title":"“The Camphor Question Is in Reality the Savage Question”: Indigenous Pacification and the Transition to Capitalism in the Taiwan Borderlands (1895–1915)","authors":"Toulouse-Antonin Roy","doi":"10.1086/702549","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/702549","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the relationship between the Taiwan camphor industry and Japan’s conquest of the island’s Indigenous peoples. Between 1895 and 1915, Japanese police and military forces invaded Taiwan’s Indigenous highlands for control of camphor. At the dawn of the twentieth century, camphor crystals were a vital natural resource used in the production of celluloid, pharmaceuticals, and industrial chemicals. The consequences of this single commodity were far reaching, as Japanese pacification armies shelled and burned Indigenous villages to the ground, forcibly relocated tens of thousands, and killed both resistance fighters and innocent civilians. This article looks at the ways in which the productive and consumptive demands of the camphor industry directly shaped the political, military, and ideological structures of imperial governance in upland Taiwan. Through the prism of the Taiwan case, it examines the violent forms of colonial occupation that accompany the imposition of capitalist social relations on native societies.","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/702549","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48151056","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article addresses the topic of workers’ struggles in Portugal during the revolutionary process of 1974–75. Departing from a critical dialogue with classic social movements theory and the contentious politics research agenda, it is an attempt to formulate an alternative theoretical framework for the interpretation of social conflicts, inspired in reflections developed by Walter Benjamin and hypotheses elaborated within Italian workerism (operaismo). Instead of looking at collective action merely as a sideshow, or a consequence of processes taking place elsewhere, the article calls for a discussion on if and how social conflicts are able to shape the conditions under which “elites” compete and state authority is enforced, using the Portuguese Revolution as a field of inquiry into subjects such as agency, causality, sovereignty, and class.
{"title":"A Real State of Exception: Class Composition and Social Conflict during Portugal’s Carnation Revolution, 1974–1975","authors":"Ricardo Noronha","doi":"10.1086/702548","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/702548","url":null,"abstract":"This article addresses the topic of workers’ struggles in Portugal during the revolutionary process of 1974–75. Departing from a critical dialogue with classic social movements theory and the contentious politics research agenda, it is an attempt to formulate an alternative theoretical framework for the interpretation of social conflicts, inspired in reflections developed by Walter Benjamin and hypotheses elaborated within Italian workerism (operaismo). Instead of looking at collective action merely as a sideshow, or a consequence of processes taking place elsewhere, the article calls for a discussion on if and how social conflicts are able to shape the conditions under which “elites” compete and state authority is enforced, using the Portuguese Revolution as a field of inquiry into subjects such as agency, causality, sovereignty, and class.","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2019-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/702548","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46967042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ver more than two decades, Moishe was my teacher, mymentor, my colleague, and my friend. In what follows, I offer my best understanding of the core concerns of his work and his pedagogy. I hope it will be clear how much of a loss his death represents to me and so many of his other former students. I first met Moishe in the spring quarter of my first year at the University of Chicago in1996,when I enrolled in his gnomically titled class, “Marx.”Wespent 10weeks largely committed to reading the first volume of Capital. It was a transformative experience in every way. Moishe led discussions that shifted constantly back and forth between close reading of specific passages and thoughtful reflection on the implicit architecture of the text’s larger expositorymethod. The classwas anything but a freewheeling discussion of the assigned readings: he led a tightly controlled Socratic dialogue. He pressed students to go beyond their immediate responses to what they had read, both in terms of their overdetermined assumptions about what there was to find in Marx’s writings and the near-universal graduate student impulse to criticize first and understand later. He pressed the class to grapple with the possibility that Marx was both entirely a figure of his time and (without contradiction) a theoretician whose thought still speaks powerfully to the present. To some students, his classroom style could seem authoritarian. In fact, Moishe alwayswelcomed all questions in class discussions and engaged with any objections he felt were being offered in good faith. His aim was not to force students into agreement with him but to lead students to think difficult thoughts thatwere not theirs and that they had not already thought before (whether or not these were thoughts they would ultimately agree with). His was a profoundly considered pedagogy, and it has had a profound influence on my own teaching. Moishe understood, I think, that there was a multiplicity of conceptual impulses traceable in the text of Capital. Yet in his teaching andwriting he always emphasized what he construed as its fundamental theoretical coherence. In particular, he highlighted howdifficult it was to pull some sentence or passage out of context andmake it speak the truth ofMarx’s position.Marx, he argued, workedwith a rigorous commitment to immanence. He therefore voiced the logic of political economy as a nec-
{"title":"Remembering Moishe Postone II","authors":"A. Sartori","doi":"10.1086/699683","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699683","url":null,"abstract":"ver more than two decades, Moishe was my teacher, mymentor, my colleague, and my friend. In what follows, I offer my best understanding of the core concerns of his work and his pedagogy. I hope it will be clear how much of a loss his death represents to me and so many of his other former students. I first met Moishe in the spring quarter of my first year at the University of Chicago in1996,when I enrolled in his gnomically titled class, “Marx.”Wespent 10weeks largely committed to reading the first volume of Capital. It was a transformative experience in every way. Moishe led discussions that shifted constantly back and forth between close reading of specific passages and thoughtful reflection on the implicit architecture of the text’s larger expositorymethod. The classwas anything but a freewheeling discussion of the assigned readings: he led a tightly controlled Socratic dialogue. He pressed students to go beyond their immediate responses to what they had read, both in terms of their overdetermined assumptions about what there was to find in Marx’s writings and the near-universal graduate student impulse to criticize first and understand later. He pressed the class to grapple with the possibility that Marx was both entirely a figure of his time and (without contradiction) a theoretician whose thought still speaks powerfully to the present. To some students, his classroom style could seem authoritarian. In fact, Moishe alwayswelcomed all questions in class discussions and engaged with any objections he felt were being offered in good faith. His aim was not to force students into agreement with him but to lead students to think difficult thoughts thatwere not theirs and that they had not already thought before (whether or not these were thoughts they would ultimately agree with). His was a profoundly considered pedagogy, and it has had a profound influence on my own teaching. Moishe understood, I think, that there was a multiplicity of conceptual impulses traceable in the text of Capital. Yet in his teaching andwriting he always emphasized what he construed as its fundamental theoretical coherence. In particular, he highlighted howdifficult it was to pull some sentence or passage out of context andmake it speak the truth ofMarx’s position.Marx, he argued, workedwith a rigorous commitment to immanence. He therefore voiced the logic of political economy as a nec-","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699683","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41413193","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Why, in the United States, are the rich so rich? Some argue that income inequality is driven by the growing salaries of top managers relative to the stagnating wages of mainline workers, and others argue that it is driven by an even more unequal distribution of wealth. Missing from this debate is a striking feature of US inequality: since the mid-1980s, a growing portion of very high incomes have come from pass-through businesses. These hybrid business organizations retain some features of traditional corporations, but their income flows directly to individual owners and shareholders. This article explores the relationship between the hybridization of the capitalist firm and market income inequality in the United States. In putting forward another piece in the larger puzzle of rising income inequality, this article connects the story of income inequality to the political economy of the legal organization of capitalist firms.
{"title":"The New Capitalist Rich: Corporate Organizational Form and the Political Economy of US Income Inequality","authors":"A. Major","doi":"10.1086/699923","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699923","url":null,"abstract":"Why, in the United States, are the rich so rich? Some argue that income inequality is driven by the growing salaries of top managers relative to the stagnating wages of mainline workers, and others argue that it is driven by an even more unequal distribution of wealth. Missing from this debate is a striking feature of US inequality: since the mid-1980s, a growing portion of very high incomes have come from pass-through businesses. These hybrid business organizations retain some features of traditional corporations, but their income flows directly to individual owners and shareholders. This article explores the relationship between the hybridization of the capitalist firm and market income inequality in the United States. In putting forward another piece in the larger puzzle of rising income inequality, this article connects the story of income inequality to the political economy of the legal organization of capitalist firms.","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699923","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42628297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article offers a theorization of colonial commodities as a category of analysis and a preliminary sketch of how this theorization might present new ways to understand the role of empire and imperial labor systems in the development of capitalism in eighteenth-century France. It argues that the peculiar qualities of colonial commodities enabled early modern French men and women to develop and practice novel habits and behaviors, namely, forms of obfuscation, abstraction, and double consciousness. Focusing on sugar and drawing on natural history texts and travelogues, it shows how written text and explanatory images about sugar and sugarcane schooled reader-consumers to overlook key elements of the production process, especially skilled slave labor. It ultimately argues that the study of colonial commodities provides insight into the formation of essential structures of thought that would become second nature under mature capitalism.
{"title":"Sugarcoated Slavery: Colonial Commodities and the Education of the Senses in Early Modern France","authors":"Elizabeth Heath","doi":"10.1086/699684","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699684","url":null,"abstract":"This article offers a theorization of colonial commodities as a category of analysis and a preliminary sketch of how this theorization might present new ways to understand the role of empire and imperial labor systems in the development of capitalism in eighteenth-century France. It argues that the peculiar qualities of colonial commodities enabled early modern French men and women to develop and practice novel habits and behaviors, namely, forms of obfuscation, abstraction, and double consciousness. Focusing on sugar and drawing on natural history texts and travelogues, it shows how written text and explanatory images about sugar and sugarcane schooled reader-consumers to overlook key elements of the production process, especially skilled slave labor. It ultimately argues that the study of colonial commodities provides insight into the formation of essential structures of thought that would become second nature under mature capitalism.","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699684","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44439988","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The 1970s encounter between feminism and psychoanalysis was a turning point in the history of the left. On the surface, Freud, who until then had been increasingly drawn on for revolutionary purposes, was discredited as a proponent of male supremacy and innate aggression. Thereafter, feminism effectively replaced psychoanalysis as a “folk psychology,” that is, an everyday ethic and popular hermeneutic. At a deeper level, the encounter presaged a transformation in the character of the left—from a movement that aimed at a revolution in economic life to one that sought transformation of personal life and identity. In his 2015 Political Freud, Eli Zaretsky limned the outlines of this 50-year-old mutation, identifying both its costs and its benefits. In their CHS review essay (spring 2018), Benjamin Fong and Phillip Henry argued that Zaretsky had overstated the costs and undervalued the benefits. In this article, Zaretsky responds.
{"title":"Response to Fong and Henry","authors":"E. Zaretsky","doi":"10.1086/699687","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699687","url":null,"abstract":"The 1970s encounter between feminism and psychoanalysis was a turning point in the history of the left. On the surface, Freud, who until then had been increasingly drawn on for revolutionary purposes, was discredited as a proponent of male supremacy and innate aggression. Thereafter, feminism effectively replaced psychoanalysis as a “folk psychology,” that is, an everyday ethic and popular hermeneutic. At a deeper level, the encounter presaged a transformation in the character of the left—from a movement that aimed at a revolution in economic life to one that sought transformation of personal life and identity. In his 2015 Political Freud, Eli Zaretsky limned the outlines of this 50-year-old mutation, identifying both its costs and its benefits. In their CHS review essay (spring 2018), Benjamin Fong and Phillip Henry argued that Zaretsky had overstated the costs and undervalued the benefits. In this article, Zaretsky responds.","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699687","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43692227","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The making of the neoliberal university in Britain did not inevitably follow the apparent crisis of welfare capitalism that accelerated from the late 1960s, or the structural adjustment program instituted by the International Monetary Fund in 1976, or the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979. It was not until the 1990s that a variety of discourses and practices—that were not reducible to a set of class interests, ideologies, or political formations—gradually marketized, privatized, and financialized higher education in Britain. In doing so they sought to establish a new type of academic subject and an economized common sense about the purpose, management, and experience of higher education. That common sense has been challenged by protests around rising student debt and the degradation of faculty pensions, which have both highlighted the precarious conditions of labor for those who teach and study at British universities.
{"title":"The Making of the Neoliberal University in Britain","authors":"J. Vernon","doi":"10.1086/699686","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699686","url":null,"abstract":"The making of the neoliberal university in Britain did not inevitably follow the apparent crisis of welfare capitalism that accelerated from the late 1960s, or the structural adjustment program instituted by the International Monetary Fund in 1976, or the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979. It was not until the 1990s that a variety of discourses and practices—that were not reducible to a set of class interests, ideologies, or political formations—gradually marketized, privatized, and financialized higher education in Britain. In doing so they sought to establish a new type of academic subject and an economized common sense about the purpose, management, and experience of higher education. That common sense has been challenged by protests around rising student debt and the degradation of faculty pensions, which have both highlighted the precarious conditions of labor for those who teach and study at British universities.","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699686","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41759804","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
It is often suggested that the career of Clifford Geertz falls into two parts: a youthful dalliance with modernization theory followed by a turn toward questions of interpretation and symbolic action. Attempts to reconcile these two phases of Geertz’s career usually posit a change of heart or a drift away from the preoccupations of youth. In this article, I argue that Geertz’s mature engagement with hermeneutic methodology did not mark a break in his thought but instead provided a means for him to continue his long-standing efforts to make sense of economic development in the new nations of Asia and Africa. We see this most clearly in Geertz’s rich but overlooked writings on the suq of Sefrou, Morocco. Seen from this perspective, Geertz’s economic anthropology offers a worthy alternative to existing approaches to the study of economic institutions.
{"title":"The Intensification of Social Forms: Economy and Culture in the Thought of Clifford Geertz","authors":"J. Isaac","doi":"10.1086/699685","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1086/699685","url":null,"abstract":"It is often suggested that the career of Clifford Geertz falls into two parts: a youthful dalliance with modernization theory followed by a turn toward questions of interpretation and symbolic action. Attempts to reconcile these two phases of Geertz’s career usually posit a change of heart or a drift away from the preoccupations of youth. In this article, I argue that Geertz’s mature engagement with hermeneutic methodology did not mark a break in his thought but instead provided a means for him to continue his long-standing efforts to make sense of economic development in the new nations of Asia and Africa. We see this most clearly in Geertz’s rich but overlooked writings on the suq of Sefrou, Morocco. Seen from this perspective, Geertz’s economic anthropology offers a worthy alternative to existing approaches to the study of economic institutions.","PeriodicalId":43410,"journal":{"name":"Critical Historical Studies","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2018-09-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1086/699685","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41781467","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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