Pub Date : 2005-07-15DOI: 10.1002/0471686786.EBD0073
Daniel A. Pinkston
North Korea acceded to the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention in 1987, but the country is suspected of having an active biological weapons program. According to South Korea's Ministry of National Defense, former North Korean leader Kim ll Sung issued a directive that poisonous gas and bacteria could be used in war. One source reported that Kim ordered the development of biological weapons in the early 1960s. Little is known about the current status of the North Korean biological weapons program. It does have the infrastructure to produce these weapons, but it is unclear as to whether any agents have been made into weapons and if any of its rockets, aircraft, etc., are equipped to deliver such agents. North Korea does not appear to have significant, if any, ties to international terrorist organizations, but its dismal economic performance may be an incentive to sell its technology. Keywords: biological warfare; Democratic People's Republic of Korea; DPRK; Japan; Kim Il Sung; North Korea; Pyongyang; Soviet Union; terrorism
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Corbzs-Bettmann South Africans concerned about the future of their country must have discovered, in the past decade of life abroad, a very simple proposition: in the absence of any physical force able to dislodge the repressive regime in South Africa, all the moral weight that their case commands avails nothing. The morality of their case has a marginal benefit, of course, but just thatmarginal. There are a great number of liberal individuals in Western countries who are bitterly ashamed at the indecencies perpetrated in South Africa in the name of white or European Civilization, whatever you want to call it. That "European" Civilization has always preserved, at the inner core of the socalled "civilizing mission," a savage aggression and an ineluctable violence is acknowledged by some and not by others; the idea of "inevitability" is, in any case, abhorrent to most liberals. It is assumed that had European expansionism (just another name for colonialism) been wise and right in its choices, the cruelties and the barbarities that have gone hand in hand with imperialism would somehow have been avoided. What Western liberals dislike, therefore, about the white South Africans, the Rhodesians, and other white settler minorities left behind to carry on what essentially was the original task of the European "civilizing mission" is that these colonials have refused to share with the native peoples the fruits of "European Civilization." This is an important objection, however superficial a reading of history it may turn out to be. It constitutes the main reason for the support given to nationalist movements for liberation in Western metropolitan countries. However, it is not the kind of support that can withstand the vicissitudes of African politics forever; as Africa reels from one coup to another and instability remains a pervasive phenomenon, liberal support becomes more and more tired, equivocal, and uncertain; the support for the theory of "Africa for Africans," which
{"title":"South Africa","authors":"Lewis Nkosi","doi":"10.2307/2934309","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.2307/2934309","url":null,"abstract":"Corbzs-Bettmann South Africans concerned about the future of their country must have discovered, in the past decade of life abroad, a very simple proposition: in the absence of any physical force able to dislodge the repressive regime in South Africa, all the moral weight that their case commands avails nothing. The morality of their case has a marginal benefit, of course, but just thatmarginal. There are a great number of liberal individuals in Western countries who are bitterly ashamed at the indecencies perpetrated in South Africa in the name of white or European Civilization, whatever you want to call it. That \"European\" Civilization has always preserved, at the inner core of the socalled \"civilizing mission,\" a savage aggression and an ineluctable violence is acknowledged by some and not by others; the idea of \"inevitability\" is, in any case, abhorrent to most liberals. It is assumed that had European expansionism (just another name for colonialism) been wise and right in its choices, the cruelties and the barbarities that have gone hand in hand with imperialism would somehow have been avoided. What Western liberals dislike, therefore, about the white South Africans, the Rhodesians, and other white settler minorities left behind to carry on what essentially was the original task of the European \"civilizing mission\" is that these colonials have refused to share with the native peoples the fruits of \"European Civilization.\" This is an important objection, however superficial a reading of history it may turn out to be. It constitutes the main reason for the support given to nationalist movements for liberation in Western metropolitan countries. However, it is not the kind of support that can withstand the vicissitudes of African politics forever; as Africa reels from one coup to another and instability remains a pervasive phenomenon, liberal support becomes more and more tired, equivocal, and uncertain; the support for the theory of \"Africa for Africans,\" which","PeriodicalId":436357,"journal":{"name":"World Statistics Pocketbook 2006","volume":"17 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1971-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124312102","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}