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From growth obsession to ecological promotion: The discursive construction of party image in Chinese political discourse on ecological civilization 从增长痴迷到生态推进:中国生态文明政治话语中政党形象的话语建构
Pub Date : 2023-06-21 DOI: 10.1177/17504813231181080
Xiao Wang, Xiufeng Zhao
The traditional definition of party image as being distinct, fixed, and receiver-determined, has been replaced by the understanding that party image is invested with more dynamic and complex features and is dialectically constructed by discourse to influence public perceptions. By adopting Van Dijk’s socio-cognitive model of critical discourse analysis, this study explores party images and how they are discursively constructed in CPC’s political discourse on ecological civilization. The discourse analysis reveals that five images have prominently been constructed: the goal-setter of future blueprints, lesson-taker of past development pattern, the coordinator of ecology and economy, the determined fighter against environmental disruption, and the systematic governor of ecological path. They are constructed through varying linguistic devices such as recontextualization, high-frequency repetition, and conceptual metaphors. The images and their construction are born out of the social cognition, the outcome of political system, changes of historical conditions, economic status, and cultural model, among which the emerging Chinese ideology of ‘moderate green’, and the consistent ideologies man is an integral part of nature (天人合一, tian ren he yi), Doctrine of the Mean (中庸之道, zhongyong zhidao), people-centeredness, and collectivism play a dominant role. This study helps find the fluidity of party images.
传统上对政党形象的定义是鲜明的、固定的、由接受者决定的,这种定义已经被这样一种理解所取代,即政党形象被赋予了更多的动态和复杂的特征,并通过话语辩证地构建,以影响公众的认知。本研究采用范戴克的批判话语分析社会认知模型,探讨中共生态文明政治话语中的政党形象及其话语建构。话语分析表明,未来蓝图的目标制定者、过去发展模式的教训者、生态与经济的协调者、坚决反对环境破坏的斗士、生态路径的系统管理者这五个形象被建构得十分突出。它们是通过不同的语言手段构建的,如重新语境化、高频重复和概念隐喻。这些意象及其建构是社会认知的产物,是政治制度、历史条件、经济状况和文化模式变迁的结果,其中,中国新兴的“适度绿色”意识形态,以及一贯的天人合一、中庸、以人为本、集体主义等意识形态起着主导作用。这项研究有助于发现派对形象的流动性。
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引用次数: 0
Russia’s strategic communication during the Ukraine crisis (2013–2014): Victims, hypocrites, and radicals 乌克兰危机期间俄罗斯的战略沟通(2013-2014):受害者、伪君子和激进派
Pub Date : 2023-05-26 DOI: 10.1177/17504813231173118
Chang Zhang, Ting Zhou
The article retrospectively looks at Russia’s strategic communication during the Ukraine crisis (2013–2014) in light of the ongoing Russian-Ukraine conflicts. Russia’s strategic communication campaign, especially the sophisticated use of state-sponsored international broadcaster-Russia Today (RT)-has been proven to raise sympathy, distract attention and delay effective reactions from the Ukranian government and NATO. RT’s strategic mediatisation of the Ukraine crisis not only fermented a favourable environment for Russia’s annexation of Crimea but set up the meta-narratives and operational framework for the subsequent influence operation practiced by the Russian government during the current Russo-Ukraine war. The article adopts a multimodal discourse analysis to elicit RT’s identity narratives about three main actors during the Ukraine crisis: Russia, the West, and Ukraine. By analysing RT’s YouTube audio-visual representation of the Ukraine crisis, the research finds that RT has applied a victimisation strategy to legitimise Russia’s military intervention in the Annexation of Crimea as a defencive counterattack. The West is accused of provoking a divide between Russia and Ukraine and being an unreliable partner and hypocritical norm-upholder. The Ukrainian components are dichotomously represented. While the pro-Eu protestors and the interim government are framed in line with violence, disorder, and neo-Nazism, the ejected pro-Russian Yanukovych government is legitimised as a democratically elected government, and its policy is aggressively crushed by the pro-Eu protestors. The empirical research suggests that RT’s discursive construction of the Ukraine crisis is built on a divisive script between a victimised pro-Russia club and an aggressive pro-EU camp. By reflecting upon RT’s strategic mediatisation of the Ukraine crisis, the paper seeks to illuminate the historical continuance and variation of Russia’s strategic communication in the post-cold war era. It thus aims to make a meaningful addition to the study of Russian propaganda and shed historical insights to make sense of Russia’s ever-intensifying information campaign during the ongoing Russo-Ukraine War.
本文以俄乌冲突为背景,回顾了乌克兰危机(2013-2014)期间俄罗斯的战略沟通。事实证明,俄罗斯的战略传播活动,尤其是对国家资助的国际广播公司今日俄罗斯(RT)的精心利用,能够引起同情,分散注意力,并推迟乌克兰政府和北约的有效反应。RT对乌克兰危机的战略性调解不仅为俄罗斯吞并克里米亚创造了有利的环境,而且为俄罗斯政府在当前的俄乌战争中随后实施的影响行动奠定了元叙事和操作框架。本文采用多模态话语分析,引出RT对乌克兰危机中三个主要角色的身份叙事:俄罗斯、西方和乌克兰。通过分析今日俄罗斯在YouTube上对乌克兰危机的视听表现,研究发现,今日俄罗斯采用了一种受害策略,将俄罗斯吞并克里米亚的军事干预合法化为一种防御性反击。西方被指责挑起了俄罗斯和乌克兰之间的分歧,是一个不可靠的伙伴和虚伪的准则维护者。乌克兰的组成部分是二分表示的。亲欧盟的抗议者和临时政府被描述为暴力、混乱和新纳粹主义,而被驱逐的亲俄罗斯的亚努科维奇政府作为民主选举的政府被合法化,其政策被亲欧盟的抗议者猛烈地粉碎。实证研究表明,今日俄罗斯对乌克兰危机的话语建构是建立在受害的亲俄俱乐部和激进的亲欧阵营之间的分裂脚本之上的。通过反思RT对乌克兰危机的战略调解,本文试图阐明后冷战时期俄罗斯战略传播的历史延续和变化。因此,它的目的是对俄罗斯宣传的研究做出有意义的补充,并提供历史见解,以理解俄罗斯在正在进行的俄乌战争期间不断加强的信息运动。
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引用次数: 0
From compensation to competition: The impact of graphicons on language use in a Chinese context 从补偿到竞争:中文语境中图形符号对语言使用的影响
Pub Date : 2023-05-12 DOI: 10.1177/17504813231171792
Yiqiong Zhang, S. Herring, Rongle Tan, Qingwen Zhang, Dingxu Shi
This study examines the impact of graphicons (emoticons, emojis, and stickers) on the use of sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Chinese based on a 13-year longitudinal corpus of 941,020 comments posted on the popular Chinese social media platform Bilibili. Quantitative analysis shows that graphicon frequencies increase while SFP frequencies decrease over time, and that the correlation between these two trends is statistically significant. However, the more an SFP encodes a grammatical function or has a negative connotation, the less likely it is to be replaced by graphicons. Qualitative analysis suggests that the relationship between graphicons and SFPs is evolving from syntagmatic, where the two co-occur in the same sentence, to paradigmatic, where either can fulfill the function of expressing (positive) attitude or sentiment. This suggests that the functions of graphicons are shifting from compensation to competition with language, as an alternative to SFPs.
本研究基于在中国流行社交媒体平台 Bilibili 上发布的 941,020 条评论的 13 年纵向语料库,探讨了图形符号(表情符号、表情包和贴纸)对汉语句末语气词(SFP)使用的影响。定量分析结果表明,随着时间的推移,图形符号的使用频率在增加,而句末语气词的使用频率在减少,而且这两种趋势之间的相关性在统计学上是显著的。然而,SFP 越是具有语法功能或负面含义,就越不容易被图形符号取代。定性分析表明,graphicons 和 SFP 之间的关系正在从句法上的关系(二者同时出现在同一个句子中)演变为范式上的关系(二者都可以实现表达(积极的)态度或情感的功能)。这表明,图形符号的功能正在从补偿语言转向与语言竞争,成为 SFP 的替代品。
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引用次数: 0
‘Help us better understand our changing climate’: Exploring the discourse of Citizen Science “帮助我们更好地理解不断变化的气候”:探索公民科学的话语
Pub Date : 2023-03-24 DOI: 10.1177/17504813231158927
Carmen Pérez-Llantada
In this article I claim that online Citizen Science projects are exemplars of a digital genre that acts as text and medium. To support this claim I apply a previously proposed two-dimensional genre analytical model and develop empirical procedures to identify how ‘communicative purpose’ is realised by functional units/links, which in turn are realised by rhetorical strategies (verbal and visual) in two dimensions, the reading mode and the navigation mode. Empirical data show that this genre fulfils a set of distinct communicative purposes, namely to build credibility and trust in scientific research, to make specialised contents accessible to audiences with different levels of scientific literacy, to convey emotion and to build and maintain citizen-volunteers’ engagement. Such multifunctionality fulfils the social exigence of the genre, that is, supporting participatory science. The study contributes to the empirical characterisation of non-linear, multimodal genres taking into account the roles of text producer and text receiver.
在这篇文章中,我声称在线公民科学项目是充当文本和媒介的数字类型的典范。为了支持这一说法,我采用了先前提出的二维体裁分析模型,并开发了经验程序,以确定“交际目的”是如何通过功能单元/链接实现的,而功能单元/链接又通过两个维度的修辞策略(口头和视觉)实现,即阅读模式和导航模式。经验数据表明,这一类型满足了一系列独特的交流目的,即建立科学研究的可信度和信任,使具有不同科学素养水平的受众能够访问专业内容,传达情感,并建立和保持公民志愿者的参与。这种多功能性满足了该类型的社会迫切需要,即支持参与式科学。考虑到文本生产者和文本接受者的角色,该研究有助于非线性、多模态体裁的经验特征。
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引用次数: 0
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Discourse & Communication
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