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Culture and Sacrifice: Ritual Death in Literature and Opera 文化与祭祀:文学与歌剧中的死亡仪式
IF 0.2 3区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2007-06-22 DOI: 10.5860/choice.45-4769
Downing A. Thomas
Culture and Sacrifice: Ritual Death in Literature and Opera by Derek Hughes. Cambridge U. Press, 2007. Pp. xi + 313. $85. Despite its fairly standard size for a monograph, Derek Hughes's book is a expedition of veritably epic proportions through the entire history of Western literature in the course of which he brings up core samples from a wide range of literary genres. No shortage of ambition marks this project. Noting "the inexhaustible fascination of the theme of human sacrifice," which clearly also took hold of him during the research and writing of the book, Hughes explores the representation of ritual sacrifice in literature and opera, not real-life instances of killing (hence, no discussion of execution) and only limited, contextualizing discussion of the anthropological record (273). An initially restricted definition of sacrifice avoids confusion with the more remote metaphorical uses of the term (one thinks of the great sacrifices one makes to send the kids to college). Hughes also sets aside Jesus Christ from his treatment of sacrifice, in part because the crucifixion merits distinct treatment, in part because the crucifixion is framed in quite distinct ways from sacrifice in literature, at least until the eighteenth century. Hughes notes that the crucifixion annuls sacrifice in three ways: first, because it is the single sacrifice that brings all carnal sacrifice to an end; second, because Christ lives; and third, because the crucifixion is transformed, initiating other forms of sacrifice among the faithful, such as discipline (50-51). In addition to accomplished human sacrifices, Hughes often examines instances that flirt with ritual death without actually accomplishing it: Prometheus, for example, is only "potentially" a sacrificial victim (16); many deaths in the Aeneid "aspire to the condition of formal sacrifice" (46); Othello and Brutus (in Julius Caesar) "attach a sacrificial significance to the murders they commit" (74-75); and many literary treatments tread close to sacrifice but avert it in the end, most notably in the Iphigenia plays and operas (46). As Hughes notes, stories of human sacrifice serve to explain key features of culture, such as the origin of rites of initiation, or to mark a separation with an ideal past in which men and gods broke bread together, or as an example of the barbarity that civilization must reject in order to come into being, but which may also threaten to return. For ancient Greece, human sacrifice represents the boundary that leads to an inaccessible past, pointing from the culture of the city into the wilderness; and its return promises a monumental breakdown leading to chaos. At the other end of history, at the turn of the twentieth century, sacrifice moves inward to the realms of the mind. Chronologically organized chapters follow an introduction to the subject, covering the vast span from ancient Greece to the final, and longest, chapter which ends with an analysis of Margaret Atwood's The
文化与牺牲:文学与歌剧中的仪式死亡剑桥大学出版社,2007年。第xi + 313页。85美元。尽管德里克·休斯的书是一本相当标准的专著,但它却是一部史诗般的考察,贯穿了整个西方文学史,在这个过程中,他从广泛的文学流派中提取了核心样本。这个项目不乏雄心壮志。注意到“人祭主题的无穷魅力”,这显然也在他的研究和写作过程中占据了他,休斯探索了文学和歌剧中祭祀仪式的表现,而不是现实生活中的杀戮实例(因此,没有讨论死刑),只有有限的、背景化的人类学记录讨论(273)。最初对“牺牲”的限定定义避免了与该术语更遥远的隐喻用法(人们想到自己为了送孩子上大学而做出的巨大牺牲)的混淆。休斯也将耶稣基督从他对牺牲的处理中分离出来,部分原因是受难值得不同的处理,部分原因是受难的框架与文学中牺牲的方式非常不同,至少在18世纪之前是这样。休斯指出,钉十字架在三个方面取消了献祭:第一,因为这是唯一的献祭,结束了所有肉体的献祭;第二,因为基督活著;第三,因为被钉在十字架上被转化了,在信徒中开始了其他形式的牺牲,比如纪律(50-51)。除了已完成的活人献祭,休斯还经常考察那些与死亡仪式调情而没有真正完成的例子:例如,普罗米修斯只是“潜在的”献祭受害者(16);《埃涅伊德》中的许多死者“渴望正式牺牲”(46);奥赛罗和布鲁图斯(《凯撒大帝》)“赋予他们所犯下的谋杀以牺牲的意义”(74-75);许多文学作品接近于牺牲,但最终避免了牺牲,最著名的是伊菲革涅亚的戏剧和歌剧(46)。正如休斯所指出的那样,人类祭祀的故事有助于解释文化的关键特征,比如入会仪式的起源,或者标志着与人与神一起吃饭的理想过去的分离,或者作为文明为了形成而必须拒绝的野蛮行为的一个例子,但它也可能有回归的危险。对古希腊来说,人祭代表着通向难以接近的过去的边界,从城市文化指向荒野;它的回归预示着一场巨大的崩溃,导致混乱。在历史的另一端,在二十世纪之交,献祭进入了心灵的领域。按时间顺序组织的章节遵循主题介绍,涵盖了从古希腊到最后一章的广泛跨度,也是最长的一章,最后一章以对玛格丽特·阿特伍德的《盲刺客》(2000)的分析结束。结果是一个令人眼花缭乱,有时令人眼花缭乱的调查,重点是经典的文学和歌剧作品,但也包括相当晦涩的文本。虽然有时他会放慢对关键文本的仔细阅读,但休斯通常会在例子中轻快地移动,以揭示随着时间的推移,对牺牲的处理的连续性和不连续性。绘画被排除在《文化与牺牲》之外,理由是视觉艺术引发了许多明显非文学的问题,尽管这本书的插图范围从西奥多·德·布里的《美洲》(1601)中的阿兹特克人祭图像到约翰·布勒的歌剧《巴克塞伊》(1992)的剧照,这是《酒神》的一个版本。休斯把歌剧同化为戏剧的一种形式,很少评论它的音乐(也从不评论表演问题),但也包括歌剧作品,因为它的分析可以提供互文联系。…
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引用次数: 7
Nostalgia, the Classics, and the Intimations Ode: Wordsworth’s Forgotten Education 怀旧、经典与暗示:华兹华斯被遗忘的教育
IF 0.2 3区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2001-03-22 DOI: 10.7916/D8H99453
E. Gray
Between 1819 and 1824 Wordsworth undertook a translation of Virgil's Aeneid, which eventually included Books 1 to 3 nearly complete and only two further, unconnected passages: a brief fragment (six lines in English) from Book 4, and a more substantial section (forty-six lines) from the eighth book. Wordsworth left no indication why he singled out the last passage for translation. It contains the scene, well-known though scarcely crucial to the plot of the Aeneid, in which King Evander gives Aeneas a tour of his rustic settlement on what will later be the site of Rome. To the Tarpeian Rock their way they hold And to the Capitol now bright with gold,-- In those far-distant times a spot forlorn With bramble choked and rough with savage thorn ... Conversing thus their onward course they bent To poor Evander's humble tenement; Herds range the Roman Forum; in the street Of proud Carinae bellowing herds they meet.... (1) W. Warde Fowler, in his monograph on Book 8, Aeneas at the Site of Rome, calls this passage "a fine stroke which must have delighted the Romans of [Virgil's] own day." (2) Yet its appeal to Wordsworth is less obvious. One might think that, logically, the description of these rustic precursors to the glories of Rome would delight especially, or only, those who were familiar with the Capitol, the Forum, and the Carinae in all their glory. But to think thus is to misunderstand the workings of nostalgia. I would define nostalgia as an affection or desire, not for what one remembers, but for what one feels one has forgotten. (3) No detailed reconstruction of the Roman Forum could give the modern reader so intimate a sense of familiarity with it as Virgil's deconstruction. Virgil suggests the grandeur only by negating it ("Herds range the Roman Forum"), relying upon the reader's knowledge to provide the necessary contrasting image. Hence the modern reader actually derives more from this passage than would a Roman with first-hand knowledge of the places mentioned. Familiarity with the great monuments of ancient Rome is so implicitly ascribed to the reader that we unconsciously assume it, and although we could not therefore draw an accurate map of the Forum, knowledge of it comes to seem rather like something forgotten than like something never known. There is nothing logical, of course, in the feeling of having forgotten something one never really knew, but the nostalgic appeal of this scene from Virgil does not depend on logic. Coleridge (whom Keats memorably accused of being "incapable of remaining content with half-knowledge") might have questioned Wordsworth's apparent preference for this passage, just as he criticized a remarkably similar instance of paradoxical nostalgia, the Intimations Ode. In chapter 22 of Biographia Literaria, which enumerates some "characteristic defects of Wordsworth's poetry," Coleridge aims his final and bitterest attack against the passage of the Ode which apostrophizes a young boy as "Mighty Prophet! Seer blest
1819年至1824年间,华兹华斯翻译了维吉尔的《埃涅伊德》,最终包括第一至第三卷几乎完成,只有两段没有联系的段落:第四卷的一个简短片段(英文6行),以及第八卷的一个更充实的部分(46行)。华兹华斯没有说明他为什么挑出最后一段来翻译。它包含了一个众所周知的场景,虽然对埃涅阿斯纪的情节并不重要,埃文德国王带着埃涅阿斯参观了他的乡村定居点,这就是后来的罗马遗址。去他们守着的塔庇岩,去现在金光闪闪的都城——在那些遥远的时代,一个荒凉的地方,荆棘丛生,荆棘丛生……谈论着他们的前进路线,他们俯身到可怜的埃文德的寒舍去了;兽群遍布罗马广场;在街上,骄傲的卡里纳咆哮着,他们遇到了....(1) w·沃德·福勒在他关于《罗马游记》第8卷的专著《埃涅阿斯在罗马遗址》中,称这段话是“一笔妙笔,一定会使(维吉尔)同时代的罗马人感到高兴。”然而,它对华兹华斯的吸引力却不那么明显。人们可能会认为,从逻辑上讲,对这些罗马辉煌的乡村先驱的描述会特别或只有那些熟悉国会大厦、广场和卡里纳的人会感到高兴。但这样想就是误解了怀旧的作用。我将怀旧定义为一种感情或欲望,不是对一个人记得的东西,而是对一个人感觉自己已经忘记的东西。(3)没有哪一种对罗马广场的详细重建能像维吉尔的解构那样给现代读者一种如此亲密的熟悉感。维吉尔只通过否定宏伟来暗示宏伟(“罗马广场上的牧群”),依靠读者的知识来提供必要的对比形象。因此,现代读者实际上比罗马人从这段话中获得了更多的第一手资料。读者对古罗马的伟大纪念碑是如此的熟悉,以至于我们不自觉地认为它是熟悉的,尽管我们不能因此画出广场的精确地图,但对它的了解似乎更像是被遗忘的东西,而不是不知道的东西。当然,忘记了自己从未真正知道的东西的感觉没有任何逻辑可言,但维吉尔这一幕的怀旧吸引力并不依赖于逻辑。柯勒律治(他被济慈指责为“不能满足于半知半解”)可能会质疑华兹华斯对这段话的明显偏好,就像他批评了一个非常相似的矛盾怀旧的例子——《暗示颂》一样。在《文学传记》的第22章中,柯勒律治列举了一些“华兹华斯诗歌的特征缺陷”,他最后也是最激烈地攻击了《颂诗》中的一段话,这段话把一个小男孩称为“伟大的先知!因为根据华兹华斯的说法,这个孩子仍然记得他出生前的状态。柯勒律治反对从未进入意识的记忆不是记忆:“这个年龄的孩子不会给我们关于他们自己的信息;我们又是在什么时候被遗忘在这片土地上的呢?…但是,如果这是太过狂野和过分的怀疑,这是诗人的意思;如果这些神秘的天赋、官能和操作没有伴随着意识;还有谁意识到这些呢?或者,如果它不是孩子意识存在的一部分,它怎么能被称为孩子呢?”(4)柯勒律治的反对当然是合理的:《颂歌》在许多方面在逻辑上是站不住脚的。华兹华斯承认,他“并没有声称要对儿童时期的情感和道德状态进行文字的描述”;那么,孩子对前世的回忆就不能从字面上理解了。…
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引用次数: 3
Dicken's Pathology of Time in 'Hard Times.' 狄更斯在“艰难时期”中的时间病理学。
IF 0.2 3区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1995-03-22 DOI: 10.5040/9781474292078.ch-002
E. Levy
Most criticism of Hard Times probes the historical accuracy of the novel -- investigating, as Coles observes, "those correspondences between Dickens' fictional world and the world he lived in..."(1) Inevitably, this tendency to evaluate the fiction as a medium of fact deflects attention from its deeper implications. Some critics attempt to overcome this limitation through alternate modes of analysis. These include, among many others, broadening the intellectual context to include, not merely Utilitarianism, but an emerging mentality involving thinkers as diverse as Malthus and Newton (Beauchamp), examining the expressive properties of physiognomy (Hollington) or names (Allingham), and applying the heuristic models of such theorists as Dolezel and Bakhtin to resolve ideological ambiguities (Weber, Fowler).(2) Typological exegesis has been employed to explicate the text as a fairy tale (Mills), an approach deriving ultimately from Leavis' treatment of the novel as a "moral fable."(3) Yet, regardless of particular emphasis or method, almost every study of Hard Times seeks to clarify the mimetic import of the novel -- to explicate, if only tangentially, the significance of the dystopic condition it concerns. But no critic has yet discovered that the text, while depicting the wretched environment of Coketown and elaborating the doctrine of self-interest on which it depends, provides a profound analysis of the unconscious motive for sustaining such a society. As we shall find, the formative principle of Coketown is the need to create an artificial time that repudiates the natural temporal tendency toward change and decay. In his study of narrative, Brooks relates the universal convention of plot to "the problem of temporality: man's timeboundedness, his consciousness of existence within the limits of mortality."(4) But, as we shall demonstrate, the fundamental purpose of Coketown is to deny or overcome this very predicament. A review of some basic points will help initiate our inquiry. The novel begins in a Coketown classroom where Mr. Gradgrind inculcates the first "principle" of a new mentality or way of thinking: "Now, what I want is, Facts."(5) The purpose of this education is to permit each graduate to enter adulthood equipped for success, which is here defined as the promotion of "self-interest" (303). To this end, the subjective faculties of "imagination" (57) and feeling -- especially the ability to feel pity -- must be sacrificed in order to develop the one faculty most capable of manipulating the objective world: practical (as opposed to speculative) reason. The perfect product of this education is Bitzer: "His mind was so exactly regulated, that he had no affections or passions. All his proceedings were the result of the nicest and coldest calculation" (150). Yet the ruthless "self-suppression" (195) demanded by this pedagogy ultimately thwarts the "self-interest" (303) it intends to advance. Far from benefitting its adherents by training th
大多数对《艰难时期》的批评都探讨了小说的历史准确性——正如科尔斯所观察到的那样,调查了“狄更斯的虚构世界与他所生活的世界之间的对应关系……”(1)这种将小说评价为事实媒介的倾向不可避免地转移了对其深层含义的关注。一些评论家试图通过不同的分析模式来克服这一局限。其中包括拓宽知识背景,不仅包括功利主义,还包括马尔萨斯和牛顿(波尚)等不同思想家的新兴心态,研究面相的表达特性(霍林顿)或名字(阿林厄姆),并应用多尔泽尔和巴赫金等理论家的启发式模型来解决意识形态的模糊性(韦伯,(2)类型训诂学被用来将文本解释为童话故事(米尔斯),这种方法最终源于里维斯将小说视为“道德寓言”的处理方法。(3)然而,无论特别强调或方法如何,几乎所有对《艰难时期》的研究都试图澄清小说的模仿意义——即使只是切题地解释它所关注的反乌托邦状态的意义。但是还没有评论家发现,在描述焦炭镇的恶劣环境和阐述它所依赖的自利主义的同时,这本书对维持这样一个社会的无意识动机进行了深刻的分析。我们将会发现,焦炭镇的形成原则是需要创造一种人工的时间,这种时间拒绝自然的变化和衰败的时间趋势。在他对叙事的研究中,布鲁克斯将情节的普遍惯例与“时间性问题:人的时间限制,他在死亡限制内存在的意识”联系起来。(4)但是,正如我们将证明的那样,《焦炭镇》的根本目的是否认或克服这种困境。对一些基本点的回顾将有助于开始我们的调查。小说的开头是在一个可卡因镇的教室里,葛擂擂先生向学生们灌输一种新心态或思维方式的第一条“原则”:“现在,我想要的是事实。”这种教育的目的是让每个毕业生进入成年后都能为成功做好准备,在这里,成功被定义为促进“自我利益”。为了达到这个目的,必须牺牲主观的“想象”能力和感觉能力——尤其是同情的能力——以发展一种最有能力操纵客观世界的能力:实践理性(与思辨理性相对)。这种教育的完美产物是比泽尔:“他的思想是如此精确地控制,以至于他没有感情和激情。他所有的行动都是经过最完美和最冷酷的计算的结果”(150)。然而,这种教学法所要求的无情的“自我压抑”(195)最终阻碍了它想要推进的“自我利益”(303)。通过训练其追随者将每一次人际交往都视为“在柜台上讨价还价”(304页),其唯一目的是个人利益,它非但没有使其受益,反而使Gradgrind系统所鼓励的掠夺性心态不可避免地恶化了受其影响的每个人的状况,使每个人都陷入某种无助的状态。作为被剥削的受害者,工人们显然感到无助,但从他们的困境中获利的地位更高的人物也是如此。无论地位如何(或者更准确地说,根据地位),可卡因镇的居民都以不同的方式经历着剧烈的痛苦,这与他们社会赖以建立的个人利益的观念相矛盾。解释这个悖论的最好方法是回到葛擂擂先生描述他的教学法所要求的“思维方式”的第一页(这个短语是后来由哈特豪斯先生[159]引入的)。这里对葛擂梗先生“前额的方形墙”(47)的描述极具启发性。…
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引用次数: 2
Designs on Truth: The Poetics of the Augustan Mock-Epic 对真理的设计:奥古斯都模拟史诗的诗学
IF 0.2 3区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1993-03-22 DOI: 10.5860/choice.30-3108
D. DeLuna
Designs on Truth: The Poetics of the Augustan Mock-Epic, by Gregory G. Colomb. Pennsylvania State U. Press, 1992. Pp. xxi + 228. In this book Colomb pursues two primary goals. Firstly, he tries to provide a useful summary description of the Augustan mock-epic. Secondly, he wants to shed light on the poetics of the genre. He is especially concerned to explain how the mock-epic uses satiric fictions to compel readers to adopt its judgmental "pieties" (xii), a feat that seems remarkable since its representations often utterly conflicted with contemporary readers' more empirically grounded knowledge of the historical counterparts. These objectives are, of course, commendable. Colomb might have produced a valuable study of a genre we would all like to know more about. But his book is not such a study. To begin with, Colomb does not present his materials cohesively, and his stance is pretentious. His book is "arrayed in two parts" (xvii): one focusing on mock-epic settings, the other on satiric portraits. An initial section, though, focuses on the mock-epic fable. In his preface Colomb states that he develops arguments about how the mock-epic "isolates its individual persons in terms of a wealth of particulars arrayed in a diagnostic network of metonymic (and causal) relations" (xvi), about how the mock-epic "is fascinated by language, its powers of social control, and its frightening--and thrilling--malleability" (xvi), and about how the genre maintains "a complex relation to law" (xvii). Many other plans are announced in this preface and in the course of the book. Some are taken up, but never for very long, and none are sufficiently developed. Colomb is, however, reliable, if no less profusive, in his statements about what his book does not do: "not a story of influence .... Nor is it a genetic story" (xi); "I do not attempt a comprehensive account of these poems"; "I will show little interest in tracking down epic sources of this or that mock-epic detail"; "I will not, unfortunately, have much to say about how mock-epic changes when it becomes a poem about a woman" (xvii); "I leave to posterity the question of whether The Dispensary can become again a work of intrinsic interest" (xix). "Part One" of Designs on Truth follows the "Preface," an "Introduction," and a "Prologue." "Part Two" is framed by another prologue and an epilogue. The postmodern--or "Modern"--mode of this study reminds this reader of nothing so much as the delirious energies of Swift's Tale, but without the intentional parody. There is, though, little that is innovative about Colomb's sense of what constitutes an Augustan mock-epic, a theory he sets forth piecemeal in the first half of his book. Four traits are seen as crucial: (1) a "strong, if caricatured resemblance to the epic fable" (1-30), (2) a sprawling contemporary urban landscape (33-58), (3) satire (59-77), and (4) a moral precept that shares with the epic a concern with the social order (79-116). With the exception of t
《对真理的设计:奥古斯都模拟史诗的诗学》,格里高利·g·科隆著。宾夕法尼亚州立大学出版社,1992。第21 + 228页。在这本书中,Colomb追求两个主要目标。首先,他试图对奥古斯都的讽刺史诗提供一个有用的概括描述。其次,他想阐明这种体裁的诗学。他特别关注的是,他解释了讽刺史诗是如何使用讽刺小说来迫使读者接受其判断性的“虔诚”(第十二章),这一壮举似乎是非凡的,因为它的表现往往与当代读者对历史对手的更有经验基础的知识完全冲突。这些目标当然是值得赞扬的。科隆本可以对一种我们都想要更多了解的流派进行有价值的研究。但他的书不是这样的研究。首先,科隆没有把他的材料连贯地呈现出来,他的立场是自命不凡的。他的书“分为两部分”(17章):一部分侧重于模拟史诗背景,另一部分侧重于讽刺肖像。不过,本书的第一部分主要关注的是这个模拟史诗寓言。在他的序言中,Colomb说他发展了关于模拟史诗如何“在转喻(和因果)关系的诊断网络中,通过丰富的细节来隔离个人”的论点(xvi),关于模拟史诗如何“着迷于语言,它的社会控制能力,以及它令人恐惧和激动的可塑性”(xvi),以及这种体裁如何保持“与法律的复杂关系”(xvii)。在这篇序言和本书的过程中,还宣布了许多其他计划。有些被占用了,但从来没有很长时间,没有一个是充分发展的。然而,在谈到他的书没有做的事情时,Colomb是可靠的,如果他的陈述不那么丰富的话:“不是一个有影响力的故事....这也不是遗传的故事”(十一);“我不想对这些诗做一个全面的描述”;“我不会有兴趣去追寻这个或那个模拟史诗细节的史诗来源”;“不幸的是,我不会说太多关于当模拟史诗变成一首关于女人的诗时它是如何变化的”(xvii);“我把《药房》能否再次成为一部具有内在趣味的作品的问题留给后人来解决”(19)。《设计真理》的“第一部分”是在“序言”、“介绍”和“序言”之后。“第二部分”由另一个序言和尾声构成。这种后现代——或“现代”——的研究模式,让读者想起了《斯威夫特的故事》中那种精神错乱的能量,但没有刻意的模仿。尽管如此,科隆在书的前半部分零零碎碎地阐述了一个理论,但他对奥古斯都式讽刺史诗的构成的看法几乎没有什么创新之处。四个特征被认为是至关重要的:(1)一个“强烈的,如果漫画相似的史诗寓言”(1-30),(2)一个蔓延的当代城市景观(33-58),(3)讽刺(59-77),和(4)一个道德戒律,与史诗分享对社会秩序的关注(79-116)。除了模仿史诗寓言的特点外,科伦布的创作方式完全借鉴了20世纪50年代和60年代的讽刺理论家,尤其是梅纳德·麦克、阿尔文·克南和罗纳德·保尔森。但是,他们的理论并没有更恰当地应用于模拟史诗这一类型。事实上,科隆甚至不承认他在这里欠下的债。他也没有将自己的表述与古索普、蒂洛森和邦德等人对这部讽刺史诗的长期现代评论联系起来。此外,他也没有表现出任何迹象表明他读过一些更近期的评论。这是一个至关重要的遗漏,因为这些叙述淡化了讽刺在定义这一类型时的作用,而是强调其提升当今主题的能力(迈克尔·爱德华兹,“模拟英雄的意义”,YES[1985]),嘲笑史诗(雅各布·富克斯,“知道和记住:模拟史诗的资源”,PQ[1990]),并产生一种轻浮和俏皮的,而不是严厉讽刺的艺术形式(乌尔里希·布里奥克,18世纪模拟英雄诗歌[1990])。…
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引用次数: 1
Liminal geography: Pericles and the politics of place 阈限地理学:伯里克利与地方政治
IF 0.2 3区 文学 Q3 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1992-01-01 DOI: 10.1007/978-0-230-57100-6_4
C. Relihan
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引用次数: 14
期刊
PHILOLOGICAL QUARTERLY
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