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The Interplay Between ‘Peacetime’ Law and the Law of Armed Conflict: Consequences for Post-Conflict Peacebuilding “和平时期”法与武装冲突法之间的相互作用:冲突后建设和平的后果
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-04-27 DOI: 10.1093/jcsl/krab007
Dieter Fleck
Focussing on the interplay between rules of international law applicable in peacetime and rules applicable during armed conflicts, this contribution examines the impact on the jus post bellum. In this context certain specific legal obligations are discussed to answer the question whether and if so, how their application post-conflict may be affected by the peacebuilding process after the (former) armed conflict. Essential norms of the protection of victims during armed conflicts continue to be relevant for peace operations and post-conflict peacebuilding. This includes guiding principles and effective measures of control for operational detentions; law enforcement operations to secure the security and safety of peacekeepers; the protection of the environment and efforts to strengthen the role of States and international organizations as well as their accountability in post-conflict reconstruction. The author demonstrates that jus post bellum requires due diligence during military operations, responsible planning and precautions. He submits that post-conflict peacebuilding should be characterized by pragmatic limitation, conciliation and participation of the parties. This suggests certain deviations from peacetime principles and rules, deviations that may include certain limits of protection which will, however, be balanced out by the temporary nature of peacebuilding measures. While such interplay between the different branches of international law remains subject to changing situations, a few general principles are considered to be relevant for the jus post bellum. Even if codification remains difficult, further case-oriented research is encouraged to confirm general principles and rules of this important branch of international law.
本报告侧重于和平时期适用的国际法规则与武装冲突期间适用的国际法规则之间的相互作用,审查了对战后法的影响。在这方面,讨论了某些具体的法律义务,以回答以下问题:冲突后这些义务的适用是否会受到(前)武装冲突后建设和平进程的影响,如果有的话,会受到怎样的影响。武装冲突期间保护受害者的基本准则仍然适用于和平行动和冲突后建设和平。这包括行动拘留的指导原则和有效控制措施;确保维和人员安全的执法行动;保护环境和努力加强国家和国际组织的作用及其在冲突后重建中的责任。作者证明,战后正义要求在军事行动中尽职尽责、负责任的规划和预防措施。他认为,冲突后建设和平的特点应该是务实的限制、和解和各方的参与。这表明某些背离和平时期的原则和规则,这些背离可能包括某些保护限度,但建设和平措施的临时性质将抵消这些限制。虽然国际法不同部门之间的这种相互作用仍然取决于不断变化的情况,但人们认为有几项一般原则与战后法有关。即使编纂仍然困难,也鼓励进一步以个案为重点的研究,以确认这一重要国际法分支的一般原则和规则。
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引用次数: 1
Laura Íñigo Álvarez, Towards a Regime of Responsibility of Armed Groups in International Law LauraÍñigoÁlvarez,《建立国际法中的武装团体责任制度》
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-19 DOI: 10.1093/JCSL/KRAB005
E. Vacca
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引用次数: 0
Targeting of Children in Non-International Armed Conflicts 在非国际性武装冲突中以儿童为目标
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-03-16 DOI: 10.1093/JCSL/KRAB004
F. Birhane
Albeit the prohibition of recruitment and use in hostilities of children is an established norm of international law, recognized under both international humanitarian law and international human rights law, the problem still remains. The main actors responsible for this reality are non-state armed groups (NSAGs), which kept recruiting and involving children in various tasks, including direct participation in hostilities (DPH). This in turn generates a dilemma regarding targetability of such children: whether to extend the special protection afforded to them by international law from being recruited and/or used in hostilities for targeting purposes as well. Additionally, the difficulty to determine targeting rules in the context of non-international armed conflicts (NIACs), which led to controversies as to targetability of even adult members of NSAGs while they do not take a direct part in hostilities, exacerbates the dilemma. This piece, accepting persuasiveness of the proposal in the ICRC Interpretive Guidance that those members of armed groups who have continuous combat function (CCF) are targetable, in addition to civilians taking a direct part in hostilities, questions whether children with such function/role are targetable in the same manner as adults of the same position. It is argued here that though children can be targeted during their DPH or when they have CCF, there is support in the law that the notions of DPH and CCF should be applied to them differently than adults. The piece also analyzes if the same means and methods used to target adults could be lawful when employed against children.
尽管禁止招募和在敌对行动中使用儿童是国际法的既定准则,得到国际人道主义法和国际人权法的承认,但问题仍然存在。造成这一现实的主要行为者是非国家武装团体,他们不断招募儿童并让儿童参与各种任务,包括直接参与敌对行动。这反过来又产生了一个关于这些儿童可针对性的困境:是否扩大国际法对他们的特别保护,使他们不被招募和(或)用于敌对行动,以达到针对目标的目的。此外,在非国际武装冲突(NIAC)的背景下确定目标规则的困难加剧了这一困境,这导致了即使是NSAG的成年成员在不直接参与敌对行动的情况下也能成为目标的争议。这篇文章接受了红十字国际委员会解释性指导意见中的建议,即除了直接参与敌对行动的平民外,具有持续作战职能的武装团体成员也是可攻击的目标,并质疑具有这种职能/角色的儿童是否与处于相同地位的成年人一样是可攻击的。这里有人认为,尽管儿童在DPH期间或患有CCF时可能会成为目标,但法律支持DPH和CCF的概念应以不同于成年人的方式适用于他们。这篇文章还分析了针对成年人的同样手段和方法在针对儿童时是否合法。
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引用次数: 1
Going, Going, Gone? Assessing Iran's Possible Grounds for Withdrawal from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons 走,走,走?评估伊朗退出《不扩散核武器条约》的可能理由
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-26 DOI: 10.1093/JCSL/KRAB001
Christopher P. Evans
The recent targeted strike resulting in the death of Qassem Soleimani has received extensive attention for its violations of international law by the US. However, one area that has not been considered following the 3 January 2020 attack is the possible consequences this may have for Iran's nuclear non-proliferation legal obligations. Iranian officials have previously alluded to the possibility of Iran withdrawing from the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT) 1968 following the US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action in May 2018 and re-imposition of targeted economic sanctions against Iran. This article considers whether Iran can withdraw from the NPT, thus freeing Iran from its legal commitments not to develop nuclear weapons. It revisits the withdrawal provisions found in Article X of the NPT and examines the invocation of the ‘extraordinary events’ clause by other states in relation to other instruments too. In light of this, the discussion considers whether Iran can legally withdraw from the NPT, before concluding with some thoughts as to whether it should in fact pursue this option.
最近导致卡西姆·苏莱曼尼死亡的定点打击因违反国际法而受到美国的广泛关注。然而,在2020年1月3日的袭击之后,有一个领域没有被考虑到,那就是这可能对伊朗的核不扩散法律义务产生的后果。伊朗官员此前曾暗示,在美国于2018年5月退出《联合全面行动计划》并重新对伊朗实施有针对性的经济制裁后,伊朗有可能退出《1968年不扩散核武器条约》(NPT)。本文考虑伊朗是否可以退出《不扩散核武器条约》,从而使伊朗摆脱不发展核武器的法律承诺。本报告回顾了《不扩散核武器条约》第十条中的退出条款,并审查了其他国家在涉及其他文书时援引“非常事件”条款的情况。有鉴于此,讨论审议了伊朗是否能够合法地退出《不扩散核武器条约》,最后对它是否应该实际上采取这一选择提出了一些想法。
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引用次数: 0
Keeping Camouflage Out of the Classroom: The Safe Schools Declaration and the Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military Use During Armed Conflict 让迷彩远离课堂:《安全学校宣言》和《武装冲突期间保护中小学和大学不被用于军事用途的准则》
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-26 DOI: 10.1093/JCSL/KRAB002
M. Zwanenburg
This article discusses the ‘Safe Schools Declaration’ and the ‘Guidelines for Protecting Schools and Universities from Military use during Armed Conflict’. The latter are set of non-binding guidelines that aim to improve the protection of schools and universities during armed conflict. The former is a political declaration through which States can endorse the Guidelines. The article looks at the drafting process of the two documents, which involved non-governmental organizations (NGOs), international organizations and States. The article argues that the involvement of NGOs can be seen as reflective of a trend in which NGOs are increasingly involved in normative International Humanitarian Law (IHL) development. The role of international organizations was less pronounced, but nevertheless notable because international organizations traditionally do not have an active role in the field of IHL. The article contains an analysis of the Declaration and Guidelines, against the background of the applicable legal framework to the protection of schools and universities during armed conflict. It concludes that the principal focus of the Guidelines is the prevention of the use of schools and universities by armed forces in support of the military effort. IHL does not contain a rule prohibiting such use, but it can have far-reaching negative consequences for education. Other guidelines relate to, inter alia (limitations to), destroying or attacking schools and universities. These guidelines, while sometimes using phraseology from provisions of IHL treaty law, also largely go beyond existing obligations under IHL.
本文讨论了“安全学校宣言”和“武装冲突期间保护学校和大学不被用于军事用途的准则”。后者是一套不具约束力的准则,旨在改善武装冲突期间对学校和大学的保护。前者是一项政治宣言,各国可以通过它核可《准则》。这条论述了涉及非政府组织、国际组织和各国的这两份文件的起草过程。本文认为,非政府组织的参与可以被视为非政府组织越来越多地参与规范国际人道法发展的趋势的反映。国际组织的作用不那么明显,但仍然值得注意,因为国际组织传统上在国际人道法领域没有积极作用。本文在武装冲突期间保护学校和大学的适用法律框架的背景下,对《宣言》和《准则》进行了分析。委员会的结论是,《准则》的主要重点是防止武装部队利用学校和大学来支持军事努力。国际人道法没有禁止此类使用的规则,但它可能对教育产生深远的负面影响。其他准则除其他外(限于)涉及摧毁或攻击学校和大学。这些准则虽然有时使用国际人道法条约法条款中的措辞,但在很大程度上也超出了国际人道法规定的现有义务。
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引用次数: 2
The Role of Law in Enforcing Peace Agreements: Lessons Learned from Colombia 法律在执行和平协定中的作用:哥伦比亚的经验教训
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-17 DOI: 10.1093/JCSL/KRAA027
C. Müller
Peace agreements are frequently violated. These violations can result in the resumption of armed conflict. Yet, while there is an entire body of political science literature on the factors that influence the success or failure of peace agreements, there are only few legal scholars who deal with the implementation and enforcement of peace agreements. Law has the potential to play a critical role in peace agreement enforcement. At present, however, it is prevented from fulfilling this potential due to controversies on the legal nature of peace agreements, and the limited number of available legal enforcement mechanisms. This article will address some of these controversies on the basis of a Colombian case study. Compared to other contemporary peace agreements, the Colombian peace agreement of 24 November 2016 with the FARC is detailed and comprehensive. It created a range of monitoring mechanisms, such as two UN political missions, a comprehensive follow-up commission (CSIVI), and an international observation mechanism. Despite the abundance of these monitoring mechanisms, gaps in protection remain. An analysis of the mechanisms shows that some peace agreement violations could not be adequately addressed by any of the available mechanisms—be it due to their political nature, or due to their limited mandates. Bearing in mind the relative sophistication of the Colombian peace agreement, this is reason for concern. The article aims to demonstrate the role that law could play in enforcing peace agreements, while also discussing persisting systemic shortcomings in the applicable legal framework.
和平协定经常遭到违反。这些侵犯行为可能导致武装冲突的重新爆发。然而,尽管有一整套关于影响和平协议成败因素的政治学文献,但很少有法律学者研究和平协议的执行和执行。法律有可能在执行和平协议方面发挥关键作用。然而,目前,由于对和平协定的法律性质的争议,以及现有的执法机制数量有限,它无法发挥这一潜力。本文将在哥伦比亚案例研究的基础上解决其中的一些争议。与当代其他和平协议相比,2016年11月24日哥伦比亚与哥伦比亚革命武装力量达成的和平协议是详细和全面的。它建立了一系列监测机制,如两个联合国政治特派团、一个全面后续委员会和一个国际观察机制。尽管这些监测机制十分丰富,但在保护方面仍然存在差距。对这些机制的分析表明,任何现有机制都无法充分解决一些违反和平协议的行为,无论是由于其政治性质,还是由于其任务授权有限。考虑到哥伦比亚和平协定相对复杂,这是令人关切的原因。这篇文章旨在展示法律在执行和平协议方面可以发挥的作用,同时也讨论了适用法律框架中持续存在的系统性缺陷。
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引用次数: 1
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/jcsl/krab013
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/jcsl/krab019
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引用次数: 0
OUP accepted manuscript OUP接受稿件
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1093/jcsl/krab012
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting the Legal Effect of General Assembly Resolutions: Can an Authorising Competence for the Assembly be Grounded in the Assembly’s ‘Established Practice’, ‘Subsequent Practice’ or Customary International Law? 重新审视大会决议的法律效力:大会的授权权限能否以大会的“既定惯例”、“嗣后惯例”或习惯国际法为依据?
IF 0.8 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-12-22 DOI: 10.1093/jcsl/kraa025
R. Barber
The Security Council’s recent intractability in the face of human rights and humanitarian crises has directed increased attention to the General Assembly’s secondary responsibility for international peace and security. Despite considerable academic attention to the issue, however, significant questions remain regarding the scope of the Assembly’s powers. One of the most significant of these questions is whether the Assembly may authorise conduct that would otherwise be unlawful. This question is important, because while there is good authority to support the proposition that the Assembly may recommend measures up to and including the use of force, if the Assembly is not also competent to authorise such measures, we are left with the unsatisfactory scenario in which the Assembly is legally competent to make recommendations that States may not legally be able to act upon. Drawing on the International Law Commission’s 2018 Draft Articles on Subsequent Agreement and Subsequent Practice, as well as those on Identification of Customary International Law, this article explores whether an authorising competence on the part of the General Assembly can be grounded in the Assembly’s practice. Specifically, it considers whether the Assembly’s practice of recommending and seemingly purporting to authorise coercive measures may amount to ‘established practice’, thus forming part of the ‘rules of the organisation’ within the meaning of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (VCLT); or alternatively if it can be considered ‘subsequent practice’ within the meaning of the VCLT; or alternatively it may attest to a rule of customary international law.
安全理事会最近在人权和人道主义危机面前的棘手问题使人们更加关注大会对国际和平与安全的次要责任。然而,尽管学术界对这一问题给予了相当大的关注,但大会的权力范围仍然存在重大问题。其中最重要的问题之一是,大会是否可以批准否则将是非法的行为。这个问题很重要,因为尽管有充分的权威支持大会可以建议包括使用武力在内的措施的主张,但如果大会也无权批准这些措施,我们就会面临这样一种不令人满意的情况,即大会在法律上有权提出各国在法律上可能无法采取行动的建议。根据国际法委员会2018年关于嗣后协议和嗣后惯例的条款草案以及关于习惯国际法识别的条款草案,本条探讨了大会的授权权限是否可以基于大会的惯例。具体而言,它考虑大会建议并似乎声称授权采取强制性措施的做法是否构成“既定做法”,从而构成《维也纳条约法公约》意义上的“组织规则”的一部分;或者,如果它可以被视为VCLT意义上的“后续实践”;或者,它可以证明习惯国际法的规则。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
JOURNAL OF CONFLICT & SECURITY LAW
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