{"title":"Ophelia’s Bathtub Boogaloo","authors":"Melissa L Gustin","doi":"10.1093/jvcult/vcad026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcad026","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43921,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Victorian Culture","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-07-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44592814","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Notes on Contributors","authors":"","doi":"10.1093/jvcult/vcad042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcad042","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":43921,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Victorian Culture","volume":"149 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135811967","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Entomologists and proponents of insect food have often seen in Vincent M. Holt’s Why Not Eat Insects? (London: Field & Tuer, 1885) the work of a precursor. Holt’s plea to consume insects in Victorian Britain, as an aid to address food poverty and diversify Western diets, certainly resonates with the environmental and social predicaments of the twenty-first century. However, the text and the context of this publication have not been fully examined. The book has attracted comparatively little attention from historians who are yet to unravel why and how Holt could raise the very question ‘why not?’ This article aims to bridge this gap, with a close reading of the sources and the language deployed by Holt, who heavily relies on European travel writings to make his case. Relocating Why Not Eat Insects? in this context throws into relief how issues of class and colonialism were constitutive of a wider discussion about eating insects in English-speaking prints in the nineteenth century. To explore this, the article also investigates responses from readers in the 1880s and 1890s, through reviews published in the British Isles, Australia, and the United States. Ultimately, examining these aspects alerts us to the dangers of celebrating Holt as a pioneer of insect food and an inspiration for the twenty-first century, for Holt partook in what Lisa Heldke terms ‘cultural food colonialism’, which we are at risk of reproducing when using his text uncritically and without regard to its social and colonial context.
{"title":"Palatable Bugs for the Victorians: Entomophagy, Class and Colonialism in Vincent M. Holt’s Why Not Eat Insects?","authors":"Elodie Duché","doi":"10.1093/jvcult/vcad022","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcad022","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Entomologists and proponents of insect food have often seen in Vincent M. Holt’s Why Not Eat Insects? (London: Field & Tuer, 1885) the work of a precursor. Holt’s plea to consume insects in Victorian Britain, as an aid to address food poverty and diversify Western diets, certainly resonates with the environmental and social predicaments of the twenty-first century. However, the text and the context of this publication have not been fully examined. The book has attracted comparatively little attention from historians who are yet to unravel why and how Holt could raise the very question ‘why not?’ This article aims to bridge this gap, with a close reading of the sources and the language deployed by Holt, who heavily relies on European travel writings to make his case. Relocating Why Not Eat Insects? in this context throws into relief how issues of class and colonialism were constitutive of a wider discussion about eating insects in English-speaking prints in the nineteenth century. To explore this, the article also investigates responses from readers in the 1880s and 1890s, through reviews published in the British Isles, Australia, and the United States. Ultimately, examining these aspects alerts us to the dangers of celebrating Holt as a pioneer of insect food and an inspiration for the twenty-first century, for Holt partook in what Lisa Heldke terms ‘cultural food colonialism’, which we are at risk of reproducing when using his text uncritically and without regard to its social and colonial context.","PeriodicalId":43921,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Victorian Culture","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46430686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This essay investigates the gendered practice of taking a walk in two works of Henry James, his early success Daisy Miller: A Study (1878) and his later-phase masterpiece The Wings of the Dove (1902). We focus on James’s women protagonists, the titular Daisy Miller and Wings’ Milly Theale and, specifically, their desire to walk unhindered through the European cities they are visiting, Rome and London, respectively. The simple activity of going for a walk in an unknown city, this essay argues, points beyond the scope of the streets traversed; it becomes a practice of self-assertion. Both narratives draw on the deep-seated connotations of transgression and deviance with which travelling women have long been associated. We begin by addressing travel as transgression and look at the cultural-historical context of women travellers in which James places his heroines. Our major objective is to map the ways in which James’s treatment of the woman pedestrian has changed over the decades between the two works. To this end, we explore the gender-determined restrictions to mobility in the two case studies and bring out the pleasure that both protagonists derive from bypassing those restraints, the pleasure of travelling and walking freely, in their own distinct ways.
{"title":"Walking as a Gendered Practice: Travel and Transgressions in Henry James’s Daisy Miller (1878) and The Wings of the Dove (1902)","authors":"N. Butt, W. Schniedermann","doi":"10.1093/jvcult/vcad021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcad021","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This essay investigates the gendered practice of taking a walk in two works of Henry James, his early success Daisy Miller: A Study (1878) and his later-phase masterpiece The Wings of the Dove (1902). We focus on James’s women protagonists, the titular Daisy Miller and Wings’ Milly Theale and, specifically, their desire to walk unhindered through the European cities they are visiting, Rome and London, respectively. The simple activity of going for a walk in an unknown city, this essay argues, points beyond the scope of the streets traversed; it becomes a practice of self-assertion. Both narratives draw on the deep-seated connotations of transgression and deviance with which travelling women have long been associated. We begin by addressing travel as transgression and look at the cultural-historical context of women travellers in which James places his heroines. Our major objective is to map the ways in which James’s treatment of the woman pedestrian has changed over the decades between the two works. To this end, we explore the gender-determined restrictions to mobility in the two case studies and bring out the pleasure that both protagonists derive from bypassing those restraints, the pleasure of travelling and walking freely, in their own distinct ways.","PeriodicalId":43921,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Victorian Culture","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43913451","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In nineteenth-century Britain, the antivivisection movement attracted a striking number of authors, poets, and playwrights, who attended meetings, signed petitions, contributed funds, and lent their pens to the cause. However, the language of vivisection extended far beyond literature with a purpose, seeping into the heart of late-Victorian literary debates. This article explores analogies of writing as vivisection in literary-critical discourse. Surveying the newspapers and periodicals of the period demonstrates that such terminology was remarkably sprawling in terms of the genres and authors it was applied to and the meanings it conveyed. Essayists and reviewers also used metaphors relating to experimental physiology’s modus operandi to shape and articulate key methodological and ideological principles that were emerging in late-Victorian literary-critical theory and practice. These included discussions of how to analyse living authors and contemporary works, conceptualizations of whether critical operations should produce social benefits, and considerations of the aesthetic and technical opportunities that literary or critical vivisection offered or, indeed, prevented.
{"title":"‘A slashing review is a thing that they like’: Vivisection and Victorian Literary Criticism","authors":"A. Hornsby","doi":"10.1093/jvcult/vcad012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcad012","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 In nineteenth-century Britain, the antivivisection movement attracted a striking number of authors, poets, and playwrights, who attended meetings, signed petitions, contributed funds, and lent their pens to the cause. However, the language of vivisection extended far beyond literature with a purpose, seeping into the heart of late-Victorian literary debates. This article explores analogies of writing as vivisection in literary-critical discourse. Surveying the newspapers and periodicals of the period demonstrates that such terminology was remarkably sprawling in terms of the genres and authors it was applied to and the meanings it conveyed. Essayists and reviewers also used metaphors relating to experimental physiology’s modus operandi to shape and articulate key methodological and ideological principles that were emerging in late-Victorian literary-critical theory and practice. These included discussions of how to analyse living authors and contemporary works, conceptualizations of whether critical operations should produce social benefits, and considerations of the aesthetic and technical opportunities that literary or critical vivisection offered or, indeed, prevented.","PeriodicalId":43921,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Victorian Culture","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41448479","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Benjamin Disraeli has often been represented as a mercurial self-fashioner who adopted various expedient personae over the course of his public life. The biographical emphasis on his eccentric personality has caused many historians to distance Disraeli from his nineteenth-century intellectual contexts in their analysis of his thought. Disraeli wrote within a literary culture that remained invested in the Bible as an important narrative authority. The poetry and fiction of the period inflected, transformed, and challenged this authority, but it also remained in purposeful conversation with the Bible as it forged new moral and literary territory. Disraeli participated in this discourse throughout his fiction, especially in two of his works: Alroy (1833) and Tancred (1847). In these novels Disraeli drew considerably on biblical patterns of kingship and nationhood and often used language from the King James Bible. In surfacing his interest in Scripture, this article suggests that Disraeli represented the Bible’s ancient wisdom as an important bulwark against some of the fast-paced social and political changes of his time and particularly against the ‘Whiggish’ tendencies of his political opponents.
{"title":"Disraeli and the Bible","authors":"Megan Dent","doi":"10.1093/jvcult/vcad020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcad020","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Benjamin Disraeli has often been represented as a mercurial self-fashioner who adopted various expedient personae over the course of his public life. The biographical emphasis on his eccentric personality has caused many historians to distance Disraeli from his nineteenth-century intellectual contexts in their analysis of his thought. Disraeli wrote within a literary culture that remained invested in the Bible as an important narrative authority. The poetry and fiction of the period inflected, transformed, and challenged this authority, but it also remained in purposeful conversation with the Bible as it forged new moral and literary territory. Disraeli participated in this discourse throughout his fiction, especially in two of his works: Alroy (1833) and Tancred (1847). In these novels Disraeli drew considerably on biblical patterns of kingship and nationhood and often used language from the King James Bible. In surfacing his interest in Scripture, this article suggests that Disraeli represented the Bible’s ancient wisdom as an important bulwark against some of the fast-paced social and political changes of his time and particularly against the ‘Whiggish’ tendencies of his political opponents.","PeriodicalId":43921,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Victorian Culture","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-06-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44773775","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article traces the progress of mutual improvement in the coalfields around Aspull beginning in the 1870s and culminating with the opening of the Garswood Hall Collieries Institute in 1893. It analyses this process in relation to Patrick Joyce’s account of the development of industrial paternalism in Lancashire. It shows how mutual improvement societies were formed primarily on the initiative of individual workers, with some assistance from local religious groups, rather than being employer-led. It also demonstrates how the Aspull Society acted as the starting point for a network of similar societies across the local area. By tracing the careers of a number of individuals closely associated with mutual improvement societies, this article shows that such societies did enable occupational and social mobility, thereby demonstrating the virtues of self-help to workers and employers alike. Next, the article traces the factors which led to the opening of the Garswood Hall Collieries Institute and argues that the formation of the Institute exemplifies the delicate social choreography on which the successful practice of paternalism in an industrial context depended. It demonstrates that local autonomous activity on the part of individual miners was combined with the use of local newspapers and delegations to employers to create the conditions for an appropriate paternalist response in the form of the ‘gift’ of the Institute to the community. The Institute thus became a demonstration of the employers’ fitness to exercise local leadership and a symbol of education as a means of achieving class harmony within the existing social hierarchy. It concludes by observing that in the case of the Garswood Hall Collieries Institute the vision of class harmony which it offered its members nonetheless remained vulnerable to the economic realities of the relationship between capital and labour.
{"title":"‘Meeting Together in an Equal and Friendly Manner’: The Workplace Literary Culture of Lancashire Mutual Improvement Societies","authors":"L. Weiss","doi":"10.1093/jvcult/vcac057","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcac057","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This article traces the progress of mutual improvement in the coalfields around Aspull beginning in the 1870s and culminating with the opening of the Garswood Hall Collieries Institute in 1893. It analyses this process in relation to Patrick Joyce’s account of the development of industrial paternalism in Lancashire. It shows how mutual improvement societies were formed primarily on the initiative of individual workers, with some assistance from local religious groups, rather than being employer-led. It also demonstrates how the Aspull Society acted as the starting point for a network of similar societies across the local area. By tracing the careers of a number of individuals closely associated with mutual improvement societies, this article shows that such societies did enable occupational and social mobility, thereby demonstrating the virtues of self-help to workers and employers alike. Next, the article traces the factors which led to the opening of the Garswood Hall Collieries Institute and argues that the formation of the Institute exemplifies the delicate social choreography on which the successful practice of paternalism in an industrial context depended. It demonstrates that local autonomous activity on the part of individual miners was combined with the use of local newspapers and delegations to employers to create the conditions for an appropriate paternalist response in the form of the ‘gift’ of the Institute to the community. The Institute thus became a demonstration of the employers’ fitness to exercise local leadership and a symbol of education as a means of achieving class harmony within the existing social hierarchy. It concludes by observing that in the case of the Garswood Hall Collieries Institute the vision of class harmony which it offered its members nonetheless remained vulnerable to the economic realities of the relationship between capital and labour.","PeriodicalId":43921,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Victorian Culture","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-05-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44126356","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Walking was an essential part of John Stuart Mill’s education, working life, and leisure. As a boy, James Mill schooled his son on daily walks; as an adult, Mill made an 11-mile round trip across London on foot to work and back each day; for recreation he went on walking tours; his passion for botany led him to walk regularly in rural Britain; later in life he undertook walking tours across France, Spain, Italy, Greece, and Turkey. Mill, in short, was ‘a great pedestrian’. But this aspect of his life remains under appreciated by historians. By combining insights from the history of emotions, cultural history, and cultural geography, with the burgeoning literature on the significance of walking, this article will demonstrate that Mill’s walking – including where he walked, and how he walked – is not only worthy of attention, but can help us to better understand both his identity and his thought. The article not only connects Mill to the peripatetic and romantic pedestrian traditions, but also seeks to demonstrate that walking aided the process, and helped to shape the content, of Mill’s philosophy. In particular, the article argues that an appreciation of Mill’s walking can contribute to the development of a new perspective on the thorny question of Mill’s understanding of higher and lower pleasures.
{"title":"‘A great pedestrian’: John Stuart Mill, the Walking Philosopher","authors":"D. Stack","doi":"10.1093/jvcult/vcad015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/jvcult/vcad015","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Walking was an essential part of John Stuart Mill’s education, working life, and leisure. As a boy, James Mill schooled his son on daily walks; as an adult, Mill made an 11-mile round trip across London on foot to work and back each day; for recreation he went on walking tours; his passion for botany led him to walk regularly in rural Britain; later in life he undertook walking tours across France, Spain, Italy, Greece, and Turkey. Mill, in short, was ‘a great pedestrian’. But this aspect of his life remains under appreciated by historians. By combining insights from the history of emotions, cultural history, and cultural geography, with the burgeoning literature on the significance of walking, this article will demonstrate that Mill’s walking – including where he walked, and how he walked – is not only worthy of attention, but can help us to better understand both his identity and his thought. The article not only connects Mill to the peripatetic and romantic pedestrian traditions, but also seeks to demonstrate that walking aided the process, and helped to shape the content, of Mill’s philosophy. In particular, the article argues that an appreciation of Mill’s walking can contribute to the development of a new perspective on the thorny question of Mill’s understanding of higher and lower pleasures.","PeriodicalId":43921,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Victorian Culture","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.3,"publicationDate":"2023-04-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42242088","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"历史学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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