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Reading against Reform: The Bristol Library Society and the Intellectual Culture of Bristol's Elections in 1812* 阅读反对改革:布里斯托尔图书馆协会和 1812 年布里斯托尔选举的知识文化*
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12725
Joshua j. Smith
This article pioneers a new methodological approach to the study of electoral politics by combining an analysis of the politics of reading, library association and the reading habits of electors in an English urban constituency in the early 19th century. By integrating an examination of reading practices and intellectual context into our analysis of electoral contests, political history scholars can go further in their examination of the unreformed electoral system and attempt to gauge the motivations behind voting habits and partisan identification in this period. Using electoral voting data and the records of an urban subscription library, this article explores the interrelation between the Bristol Library Society and Bristol's electoral politics, as well as conducting an analysis of which books were being borrowed and read by electors in a politically tumultuous year. Although few in number compared with the total size of Bristol's electorate, Bristol Library members were among some of the most politically and culturally influential individuals in Bristol society and were active participants in electoral contests in the city, either as candidates, campaigners, civic officials or voters. An analysis of their voting habits reveals that the library's membership reflected the Tory political hegemony that became pronounced in the city's civic politics. Moreover, an analysis of their reading habits in 1812 reveals an interest in political texts that were conservative and anti-Gallic in tone, that were representative of the political climate in Bristol in 1812, and which contributed to the defeat of candidates for reform in its electoral contests.
本文开创了一种研究选举政治的新方法论,将对阅读政治、图书馆协会和 19 世纪早期英国城市选区选民阅读习惯的分析结合起来。通过将对阅读习惯和知识背景的研究与我们对选举竞争的分析相结合,政治史学者可以进一步研究未改革的选举制度,并尝试衡量这一时期投票习惯和党派认同背后的动机。本文利用选举投票数据和一家城市订阅图书馆的记录,探讨了布里斯托尔图书馆协会与布里斯托尔选举政治之间的相互关系,并分析了在政治动荡的这一年,选民借阅和阅读了哪些书籍。虽然与布里斯托尔选民总人数相比,布里斯托尔图书馆会员人数不多,但他们是布里斯托尔社会中最具政治和文化影响力的个人之一,并以候选人、竞选者、市政官员或选民的身份积极参与该市的选举活动。对他们投票习惯的分析表明,图书馆的成员反映了保守党的政治霸权,而这一霸权在该市的公民政治中已变得十分明显。此外,对他们在 1812 年阅读习惯的分析表明,他们对保守派和反保皇派的政治书籍很感兴趣,这些书籍代表了 1812 年布里斯托尔的政治气候,并促使改革派候选人在选举中落败。
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引用次数: 0
Voting and Not Voting in Early 18th-Century English Parliamentary Elections 18 世纪早期英国议会选举中的投票与不投票
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2024-02-26 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12720
Chris Dudley
This article uses data from 28 poll books to explore voter behaviour over time in early 18th-century English parliamentary elections (from 1710 to 1735). Voters in this period exhibited a high degree of partisan loyalty from one election to the next. But voters were also quite likely to drop out of the electorate between elections. As a case study of Sussex elections in 1734 shows, even among voters who made a definite promise to vote for a given candidate or set of candidates, there was a significant proportion who did not vote. While some non-voting can be explained as an attempt to avoid disobliging powerful patrons, this article argues that voters needed to be motivated to appear at the polls. The electoral culture of the early 18th century – treats, balls, public appearances by the candidates, etc. – should be understood as attempts to mobilise rather than to persuade potential voters.
本文利用来自 28 本民意调查簿的数据,探讨了 18 世纪早期英国议会选举(1710 年至 1735 年)中选民的长期行为。这一时期的选民从一次选举到下一次选举表现出高度的党派忠诚。但选民也很有可能在两次选举之间退出选举。对 1734 年苏塞克斯郡选举的案例研究表明,即使在明确承诺投票支持某位候选人或某组候选人的选民中,也有相当一部分人没有投票。虽然有些人不投票的原因是为了避免辜负有权势的赞助人,但本文认为,选民需要受到激励才会去投票。18世纪早期的选举文化--请客、舞会、候选人公开露面等--应被理解为试图动员选民参加投票。- 应将其理解为动员而非说服潜在选民的尝试。
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引用次数: 0
Cover Image, Volume 42, Issue 3 封面图片,第42卷,第3期
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-17 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12639
Cover Illustrations: Top row, left to right: Parliament House, College Green, Dublin, from James Malton, A Picturesque and Descriptive View of the City of Dublin (1791); The National Assembly for Wales; The Parliament Buildings, the Northern Ireland Assembly, Stormont, Belfast. Middle row, left to right: The Scottish Parliament, Edinburgh; The Houses of Parliament, Westminster; The Parliament House (right) and Exchequer, Edinburgh, c.1740, after a drawing by John Elphinstone (National Gallery of Scotland, Dept of Prints and Drawings). Bottom row, left to right: view of Westminster with Parliament House (House of Commons), 1641, by Wenceslaus Hollar; view of Westminster Hall, by Hollar; statue of Richard I, Old Palace Yard, Westminster.
封面插图:上一排,从左到右:都柏林格林学院议会大厦,选自詹姆斯·马尔顿,《都柏林市景如画》(1791年);威尔士国民议会;议会大厦,北爱尔兰议会,斯托蒙特,贝尔法斯特。中间一排,从左到右:苏格兰议会,爱丁堡;议会大厦,威斯敏斯特;议会大厦(右)和财政部,爱丁堡,约1740年,根据约翰·埃尔芬斯通(苏格兰国家美术馆,版画和绘图部)的一幅画绘制。下一排,从左至右:1641年,温塞斯劳斯·霍勒(Wenceslaus Hollar)拍摄的威斯敏斯特与国会大厦(下议院)的景观;威斯敏斯特大厅的景色,由Hollar拍摄;理查德一世的雕像,威斯敏斯特旧宫殿庭院。
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引用次数: 0
Cover Image, Volume 42, Issue S1 封面图片,第 42 卷第 S1 期
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12641
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引用次数: 0
‘It Must End, or I Must End’: Castlereagh, Mental Health and Politics in Regency Britain “它必须结束,否则我必须结束”:摄政时期英国的卡斯尔雷、心理健康和政治
3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12705
Andrew Brunatti
Abstract Viscount Castlereagh (1769–1822), Britain's polarising foreign secretary and leader of the house of commons from 1812–22, has been studied through the lens of diplomacy and politics, but never through the lens of mental health. As 2022 marked the 200th anniversary of Castlereagh's suicide, mental health is still the missing link in our understanding of both Castlereagh as a public and private figure and the politics of his era. This article examines Castlereagh's career through the lens of modern research on mental health, applying an interdisciplinary approach that combines history, psychology, sociology, political studies and gender studies. The article argues that applying a mental health lens helps us better understand the pressures on Castlereagh as a politician, the stresses and strains of Regency‐era politics, and how those stresses resulted in risks to mental health. Perhaps most importantly, the article concludes that Castlereagh continues to be relevant today because his story illustrates: first, the need to understand the complexity of mental health risks in politics; and second, the types of persistent mental health risks that are still relevant for today's politicians and civil servants.
卡斯尔雷子爵(Viscount Castlereagh, 1769-1822)是英国在1812 - 1822年间的两极化外交大臣和下议院领袖,人们从外交和政治的角度对他进行了研究,但从未从心理健康的角度对他进行过研究。2022年是卡斯尔雷自杀200周年,在我们对卡斯尔雷作为公众和私人人物以及他那个时代的政治的理解中,心理健康仍然是缺失的一环。本文运用跨学科的方法,结合历史、心理学、社会学、政治研究和性别研究,从现代心理健康研究的角度审视卡斯尔雷的职业生涯。文章认为,运用心理健康的视角有助于我们更好地理解卡斯尔雷作为一名政治家所面临的压力,摄政时代政治的压力和紧张,以及这些压力如何导致心理健康风险。也许最重要的是,这篇文章的结论是,Castlereagh在今天仍然具有相关性,因为他的故事说明:首先,需要理解政治中心理健康风险的复杂性;其次,持续存在的精神健康风险类型仍然与当今的政治家和公务员有关。
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引用次数: 0
The Restraint of the Press in England, 1660–1715. The Communication of Sin. By Alex W.Barber. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press. 2022. xvii, 333 pp. £75.00. Hardback. ISBN 9781783274175. 1660-1715 年英国的新闻限制。罪恶的传播作者:亚历克斯-W-巴伯。伍德布里奇:The Boydell Press.2022.xvii, 333 pp.精装。ISBN9781783274175。
3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12699
Sophie Aldred
Parliamentary HistoryVolume 42, Issue 3 p. 420-422 Reviews The Restraint of the Press in England, 1660–1715. The Communication of Sin. By Alex W. Barber. Woodbridge: The Boydell Press. 2022. xvii, 333 pp. £75.00. Hardback. ISBN 9781783274175. Sophie Aldred, Corresponding Author Sophie Aldred [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-6550-9674 Worcester College, Oxford Correspondence: Sophie Aldred, Worcester College, Oxford. e-mail: [email protected]Search for more papers by this author Sophie Aldred, Corresponding Author Sophie Aldred [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-6550-9674 Worcester College, Oxford Correspondence: Sophie Aldred, Worcester College, Oxford. e-mail: [email protected]Search for more papers by this author First published: 17 October 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12699Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume42, Issue3October 2023Pages 420-422 RelatedInformation
《议会史》第42卷第3期420-422页评述1660-1715年英国新闻界的限制。罪的交流。亚历克斯·w·巴伯著。伍德布里奇:博伊德尔出版社,2022。17, 333页,75英镑。精装版。ISBN 9781783274175。Sophie Aldred,通讯作者Sophie Aldred [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-6550-9674牛津伍斯特学院通信:Sophie Aldred,牛津伍斯特学院。e-mail: [email protected]搜索作者Sophie Aldred的更多论文,通讯作者Sophie Aldred [email protected] orcid.org/0000-0001-6550-9674牛津大学伍斯特学院通信:Sophie Aldred,牛津大学伍斯特学院。e-mail: [email protected]搜索该作者的更多论文首次发表:2023年10月17日https://doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12699Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件,并在下面的复选框中选择分享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件,请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要vol . 42, Issue3October 2023页420-422
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引用次数: 0
The Referendum Issue and the Edwardian Constitutional Crisis 全民公决问题与爱德华七世宪法危机
3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12706
Roland Quinault
Abstract This article considers the debates generated by referendum proposals during the constitutional crisis from 1909 to 1914. None of those proposals were adopted and they have received little attention from historians but they were not without significance. Some Conservatives saw the referendum as a way of democratically protecting the right of the house of lords to veto legislation passed by the house of commons, while others regarded the referendum process as a means by which single issues could be more effectively dealt with than at multi‐topic general elections. The debates also revealed many practical problems inherent in the various referendum schemes. They were ignored in the 21st century, when Conservative governments adopted referendums as a mechanism for overcoming internal party divisions.
本文考察了1909年至1914年宪政危机期间由公民投票提案引发的争论。这些建议都没有被采纳,也很少受到历史学家的关注,但它们并非没有意义。一些保守党人认为公投是民主地保护上议院否决下议院通过的立法的权利的一种方式,而另一些人则认为公投过程是一种比多议题大选更有效地处理单一问题的手段。辩论还揭示了各种公民投票计划所固有的许多实际问题。在21世纪,当保守党政府采用公投作为克服党内分歧的机制时,他们被忽视了。
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引用次数: 0
ABBREVIATIONS 缩写
3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12709
Parliamentary HistoryVolume 42, Issue S1 p. ix-x List of Abbreviations ABBREVIATIONS First published: 02 November 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12709Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume42, IssueS1Supplement: Texts & Studies Series 19: Anglo-Irish Politics, 1680–1728 The Correspondence of the Brodrick Family of Surrey and County Cork VOLUME THREE, 1722–28, Edited by David Hayton and Michael PageOctober 2023Pages ix-x RelatedInformation
议会历史第42卷,第S1期p. x-x缩写词列表缩写词首次发布:2023年11月2日https://doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12709Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件,并在下面的复选框中分享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件,请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要第42卷,问题1补充:文本与研究系列19:盎格鲁-爱尔兰政治,1680-1728年萨里郡和科克郡布罗德里克家族的通信第三卷,1722-28年,由大卫·海顿和迈克尔·佩吉编辑2023年10月页6 -x相关信息
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引用次数: 0
Index 索引
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12717
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引用次数: 0
NOTE ON EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES 编辑原则说明
3区 历史学 Q3 HISTORY Pub Date : 2023-10-01 DOI: 10.1111/1750-0206.12711
Parliamentary HistoryVolume 42, Issue S1 p. 28-29 Note NOTE ON EDITORIAL PRINCIPLES First published: 02 November 2023 https://doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12711Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onEmailFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat No abstract is available for this article. Volume42, IssueS1Supplement: Texts & Studies Series 19: Anglo-Irish Politics, 1680–1728 The Correspondence of the Brodrick Family of Surrey and County Cork VOLUME THREE, 1722–28, Edited by David Hayton and Michael PageOctober 2023Pages 28-29 RelatedInformation
议会历史第42卷,第S1期第28-29页注释注释编辑原则首次发布:2023年11月2日https://doi.org/10.1111/1750-0206.12711Read全文taboutpdf ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare给予accessShare全文accessShare全文accessShare请查看我们的使用条款和条件,并勾选下面的复选框分享文章的全文版本。我已经阅读并接受了Wiley在线图书馆使用共享链接的条款和条件,请使用下面的链接与您的朋友和同事分享本文的全文版本。学习更多的知识。复制URL共享链接共享一个emailfacebooktwitterlinkedinreddit微信本文无摘要第42卷,问题1补充:文本与研究系列19:盎格鲁-爱尔兰政治,1680-1728年萨里郡和科克郡布罗德里克家族的通信第三卷,1722-28年,由大卫·海顿和迈克尔·佩吉编辑2023年10月28-29页相关信息
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Parliamentary History
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