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Do political power shifts reduce corruption in Korean local governments? ▷政权交替能减少韩国地方自治团体的腐败吗?
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-22 DOI: 10.1017/S146810992200024X
Moonsoo Lee, Hyunhoe Bae
Abstract Previous studies have discussed the effects of electoral competition on corruption, but only a few explored the effects of political power shifts – the results of electoral competition. To fill the gap, this study tests hypotheses that three types of political power shifts (the shifts of individual local government heads, local government ruling party, and local council majority) reduce the corruption (overall, external, and internal), with a panel data set of 226 Korean local governments. The empirical study shows that only shifts in the local government head reduce internal corruption. The other dependent and independent variables do not have any significant relationships. This can be because of structural matters of Korean local politics such as strong mayor-weak council and the closed local elite networks.
摘要以往的研究讨论了选举竞争对腐败的影响,但很少探讨政治权力转移——选举竞争的结果——对腐败的影响。为了填补这一空白,本研究用226个韩国地方政府的面板数据集测试了三种政治权力转移(地方政府个人负责人、地方政府执政党和地方议会多数)减少腐败(整体、外部和内部)的假设。实证研究表明,只有地方政府首脑换届才能减少内部腐败。其他因变量和自变量没有任何显著的关系。这可能是因为韩国地方政治的结构问题,比如市长强、议会弱、地方精英圈封闭等。
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引用次数: 1
Dyadic representation in parliamentary democracy in Japan 日本议会民主中的Dyadic代表
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-16 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109922000202
Michio Umeda
Abstract This study evaluates dyadic representation, that is, the link between the policy preferences of the constituencies and their representatives in the Japanese Lower House (LH). More specifically, this study examines how the within-party variation in policy positions among party candidates corresponds with that across their districts. By examining a series of candidate surveys conducted between 2003 and 2012 as well as the local employment structure, this study maps the association between the policy preferences of constituencies and those of their district candidates for two major parties. Specifically, candidates were found to take more rural-oriented positions on economic policies when running in districts with rural employment structures, while there remained a clear difference between parties. Moreover, this study demonstrates that constituencies accord more votes to candidates who better represent their preferences, strengthening the link by electing those who fulfill the responsibility beyond their party label.
摘要本研究评估了二元代表性,即选区的政策偏好与其在日本众议院中的代表之间的联系。更具体地说,本研究考察了政党候选人在政策立场上的党内差异如何与他们所在地区的政策立场相对应。通过对2003年至2012年期间进行的一系列候选人调查以及当地的就业结构进行分析,本研究绘制了选区的政策偏好与两个主要政党的地区候选人的政策偏好之间的关系。具体而言,候选人在农村就业结构的地区竞选时,在经济政策上采取了更多面向农村的立场,而政党之间仍然存在明显的差异。此外,本研究显示,选民会将更多选票投给更能代表他们偏好的候选人,透过选举那些超越政党标签履行责任的候选人,加强这种连结。
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引用次数: 1
States and Societies in Motion: Essays in Honour of Takashi Shiraishi Khoo Boo Teik and Jafar Suryomenggolo (eds) Copenhagen: NIAS Press (In Association with National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies), 2021. 运动中的国家与社会:纪念白石隆、Khoo Boo Teik和Jafar Suryomenggolo的论文(编)哥本哈根:NIAS出版社(与国家政策研究所联合),2021。
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-09-14 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109922000238
G. Lim
This book curates a rich and rewarding set of essays honouring Takashi Shiraishi- sensei , one of Japan ’ s most respected social scientists. Befitting Shiraishi ’ s professional contribution and his personal qual-ities, these essays are contributed by several of his long-time colleagues and friends in various institu-tions across the world. Often with Japan at their nexus, the essays speak to three enduring themes: political movements in Southeast Asia; national and regional politics in China and Japan; and the links between ideology, networks and policies at critical junctures of state formation. Put together, such highly engaging essays shed light on the intellectual thought processes that are essentially pro-ducts of continuous conversation with Shiraishi over his distinguished career. each other and exchanged notes in his approach researchers Shiraishi ’ s to maintain expert career ’
这本书整理了一套丰富而有益的文章,以纪念日本最受尊敬的社会科学家之一白石隆先生。这些文章是由他在世界各地不同机构的几位长期同事和朋友撰写的,与白石隆浩的专业贡献和个人素质相匹配。这些文章通常以日本为中心,讨论三个经久不衰的主题:东南亚的政治运动;中日两国的国家和地区政治;以及在国家形成的关键时刻意识形态、网络和政策之间的联系。这些引人入胜的文章合在一起,揭示了白石隆浩的智力思维过程,这些思维过程本质上是他与白石隆浩就其杰出的职业生涯进行持续对话的产物。互相交换笔记,在他的方法研究人员白石的维持专家生涯。
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引用次数: 0
JJP volume 23 issue 3 Cover and Back matter JJP第23卷第3期封面和封底
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.1017/s1468109922000196
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引用次数: 0
JJP volume 23 issue 3 Cover and Front matter JJP第23卷第3期封面和封面
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.1017/s1468109922000184
The Japanese Journal of Political Science is a peer-reviewed journal that publishes original theoretical and empirically tested political science research. Manuscripts across the full range of sub-fields and research methodologies are welcome for consideration. We are open to single country or comparative studies, and particularly encourage those manuscripts that draw on interdisciplinary approaches to political science questions.
《日本政治学杂志》是一本同行评审期刊,发表原创理论和实证政治学研究。欢迎考虑所有子领域和研究方法的手稿。我们对单一国家或比较研究持开放态度,特别鼓励那些利用跨学科方法处理政治学问题的手稿。
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引用次数: 0
The ballot or the bullet? Public awareness of grassroots elections and regime stability in China 选票还是子弹?公众对基层选举和中国政权稳定的认识
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-31 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109922000123
Wei-Feng Tzeng
Abstract This study examines the attitudinal and behavioral consequences of holding local elections in China. Using survey data to test the propositions that elections do not alleviate pressure from society butreasonably make state–society conflict manageable for the Chinese Communist regime, evidence suggests that being aware of elections is negatively associated with citizens' involvement in collective activities that would destabilize the regime. Instead, the awareness of elections is positively correlated with people's willingness to use the institutionalized mechanism, letters and visits (shangfang), to solve their concerns. The findings imply that although elections may help buttress China's authoritarian rule, the survivability of the Chinese Communist Party is still dependent on whether existing institutions can function well in reducing public grievances.
摘要本研究考察了在中国举行地方选举的态度和行为后果。使用调查数据来检验选举不能缓解社会压力,反而会使中国共产党政权的国家-社会冲突可控的命题,证据表明,意识到选举与公民参与可能破坏政权稳定的集体活动呈负相关。相反,人们的选举意识与人们使用制度化机制——信访——来解决他们所关心的问题的意愿呈正相关。研究结果表明,尽管选举可能有助于巩固中国的威权统治,但中国共产党的生存能力仍然取决于现有制度能否有效地减少公众的不满。
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引用次数: 0
Party switching and policy disagreement: scaling analysis of experts' judgment 政党转换与政策分歧:专家判断的尺度分析
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-07-21 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109922000160
Hiroki Kubo, Tomoko Matsumoto, Kentaro Yamamoto
Abstract Under what conditions do policy disagreements cause parties to split? Before the general elections in 2017 in Japan, the Minshin, the largest opposition party, split, and the major opposition camp collapsed into three parties. Disagreement about defense policy was rapidly politicized by the founding leader of a new party, Hope. Some members were motivated to switch to Hope and split the Minshin. Why did the disagreement about defense policy, which had long existed but was inactive, become an issue that led to a major split? To answer these questions, we used Aldrich–Mckelvey and Blackbox transpose scalings to analyze the data from an expert survey about issue positions and the salience of party policies. The variance in experts' responses was also examined to consider whether parties consistently and clearly distinguish their policy positions. Party positions on defense policy were clearly distinguished and revealed a split among splinter parties. However, the party positions clearly converged on the environment, decentralization, and other policies in a two-dimensional space, which indicated the unity of the major opposition camp. Moreover, different item functioning (DIF) analysis revealed a high variance (i.e., negative weight) on the issue salience of defense policy, which indicated its politicization immediately before the split. Overall results indicated that the politicization of defense policy contributed to weakening party cohesion and the party was split over disagreement about it. This implies that party switching is caused by policy disagreement but also hinges critically on which policy is politicized as an issue for party unity.
摘要政策分歧在什么条件下导致政党分裂?2017年日本大选前,最大的反对党民新党分裂,主要反对党阵营瓦解为三个政党。关于国防政策的分歧被一个新党的创始领导人霍普迅速政治化。一些成员被激励转投希望党并分裂民信党。为什么长期存在但不活跃的国防政策分歧会成为导致重大分裂的问题?为了回答这些问题,我们使用了Aldrich–Mckelvey和Blackbox的换位尺度来分析一项关于问题立场和政党政策突出性的专家调查的数据。还审查了专家答复中的差异,以考虑各缔约方是否一贯明确地区分其政策立场。党在国防政策上的立场明显不同,并显示出分裂党派之间的分裂。然而,该党的立场显然在二维空间中集中在环境、权力下放和其他政策上,这表明了主要反对阵营的团结。此外,不同项目功能(DIF)分析显示,国防政策的问题显著性存在高度差异(即负权重),这表明其在分裂前立即政治化。总体结果表明,国防政策的政治化有助于削弱政党凝聚力,该党因对此的分歧而分裂。这意味着政党转换是由政策分歧引起的,但也关键取决于哪项政策被政治化为政党团结的问题。
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引用次数: 1
Old party, new tricks: candidates, parties, and LDP dominance in Japan 旧党,新把戏:候选人、政党和自民党在日本的主导地位
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-24 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109922000172
Jordan Hamzawi
Abstract In 2009, after decades of single party rule under the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), Japan had its first taste of a real alteration of power. However, just 3 years later, the LDP regained control of government with no significant challenger in sight. Historically, LDP dominance is a common tale, but its resurgence in recent years poses a significant puzzle in Japanese politics. What exactly has contributed to the LDP's return to power? In the years that have passed, the LDP's strength has come from a combination of cash, clientelistic networks, and strong candidates, but recent research has found that Japanese politics has become more programmatic and party-focused. While LDP dominance since its return to power in 2012 can be attributed in part to its candidates, I find that the appeal of the party label has played a large role in securing the LDP's large majorities.
摘要2009年,在自民党(LDP)领导下的数十年一党统治之后,日本首次尝到了真正的权力更迭的滋味。然而,仅仅3年后,自民党就在看不到重大挑战者的情况下重新控制了政府。从历史上看,自民党的统治地位是一个常见的故事,但近年来它的复兴给日本政治带来了一个重大难题。究竟是什么促成了自民党重新掌权?在过去的几年里,自民党的实力来自现金、客户关系网和强大的候选人,但最近的研究发现,日本政治变得更加纲领化和以政党为中心。虽然自民党自2012年重新执政以来的主导地位部分归功于其候选人,但我发现,该党标签的吸引力在确保自民党获得多数席位方面发挥了重要作用。
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引用次数: 2
Does the age of legislators matter to their representational behavior? Evidence from Hong Kong 立法者的年龄对他们的代表行为有影响吗?香港证据
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-08 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109922000159
W. Tam
Abstract In this research note we examine the impacts of legislators' age on their representational behavior in Hong Kong by conducting content analyses of the questions raised by members of the Hong Kong legislature (LegCo) at the plenary meetings from 1998 to 2016. We explore whether young legislators were more likely than older legislators to represent youth interests. Our results show that legislators' age did not significantly affect their representational behavior. We propose three factors of this null finding. The first concerns the relatively low voter turnout among young people in Hong Kong. The second is related to the career incentives of legislators in authoritarian legislature. The last factor is the political affiliation of young legislators in Hong Kong.
摘要在本研究报告中,我们通过对香港立法会议员在1998年至2016年全体会议上提出的问题进行内容分析,研究了立法会议员的年龄对其在香港代表行为的影响。我们探讨年轻的立法者是否比年长的立法者更有可能代表年轻人的利益。我们的研究结果表明,立法者的年龄并没有显著影响他们的代表行为。我们提出了这个零发现的三个因素。第一个问题是香港年轻人的投票率相对较低。二是与专制立法机构立法者的职业激励有关。最后一个因素是香港年轻立法会议员的政治倾向。
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引用次数: 0
Electoral coalition signals and voter perceptions 选举联盟的信号和选民的看法
IF 1 3区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1017/S1468109922000020
Jinhyuk Jang, C. Crabtree, Sona N. Golder
Abstract How do electoral coalition signals affect voters' perceptions of party positions and coalition behavior in parliamentary democracies? Scholars have found that coalition signals can influence how voters view policy positions of parties. Extending research on the impact of government coalition participation on voter perceptions, a recent study found that Spanish voters update their perceptions of party positions when they receive a signal that a party joined an electoral coalition, believing it to be farther to the left (right) if the signal was of a left- (right-)leaning coalition. That study also found, in agreement with the literature, that electoral coalition signals lead to expectations of future coalition behavior. Much of the literature on electoral coalitions focuses on parliamentary democracies in Europe that use proportional representation. Since the effects of electoral coalitions might vary across contexts, we conduct a similar survey experiment in Japan, a parliamentary democracy that uses a mixed electoral system with an important disproportional component. We find no evidence that electoral coalition signals affect how Japanese voters view the ideological positions of parties, a result that matches a similar analysis conducted in Sweden. However, some coalition signals – if they contain new information – do increase Japanese respondents' expectations that certain coalitions are more likely to form in the future.
摘要在议会民主国家,选举联盟信号如何影响选民对政党立场和联盟行为的看法?学者们发现,联盟信号会影响选民对政党政策立场的看法。最近的一项研究扩展了对政府联盟参与对选民认知影响的研究,发现西班牙选民在收到一个政党加入选举联盟的信号时,会更新他们对政党立场的认知,认为如果信号是左倾(右倾)联盟,则会更左倾(右倾)。该研究还发现,与文献一致,选举联盟信号会导致对未来联盟行为的预期。许多关于选举联盟的文献都集中在欧洲使用比例代表制的议会民主国家。由于选举联盟的影响可能因环境而异,我们在日本进行了一项类似的调查实验,日本是一个议会民主国家,使用了具有重要不均衡成分的混合选举制度。我们没有发现任何证据表明选举联盟信号会影响日本选民对政党意识形态立场的看法,这一结果与瑞典进行的类似分析相吻合。然而,一些联盟信号——如果它们包含新的信息——确实增加了日本受访者的预期,即某些联盟更有可能在未来形成。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Japanese Journal of Political Science
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