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Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989最新文献

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Political Europeanization since 1989 1989年以来的政治欧洲化
Pub Date : 2019-10-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0003
Katherine Graney
This chapter examines the process of EU expansion into the former Soviet Union since 1989, identifying the different criteria that have been used to judge candidates for EU membership. The Central European and Baltic states successfully made arguments about their “intrinsic Europeanness” and “belonging” to Europe and the EU, while the Balkan states have had a harder time proving their suitability for Europe. Unlike the Baltic states, the other ex-Soviet republics, like Ukraine and Georgia, have had a harder time convincing the EU of their fitness for membership, that is, their “intrinsic Europeanness,” and have had to settle for being made “Eastern Partners” of the EU and signers of Association Agreements with the EU. Russia has sought a form of partnership with the EU, while rejecting any idea of conditionality. Finally, the EU shows little concern for the ex-Soviet states of Central Asia, not seeing them as fundamentally European in any way.
本章考察了自1989年以来欧盟向前苏联扩张的过程,确定了用来评判欧盟成员国候选国的不同标准。中欧和波罗的海国家成功地证明了它们“内在的欧洲性”和“属于”欧洲和欧盟,而巴尔干国家则很难证明它们适合欧洲。与波罗的海国家不同,其他前苏联加盟共和国,如乌克兰和格鲁吉亚,很难让欧盟相信它们适合加入欧盟,也就是说,它们的“内在欧洲性”,它们不得不满足于成为欧盟的“东方伙伴”,并与欧盟签署联系国协议。俄罗斯一直在寻求与欧盟建立某种形式的伙伴关系,同时拒绝任何附带条件的想法。最后,欧盟对中亚的前苏联国家没有表现出多少关心,根本不认为它们是欧洲国家。
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引用次数: 0
Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova 白俄罗斯,乌克兰和摩尔多瓦
Pub Date : 2019-10-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0008
Katherine Graney
This chapter presents case studies of three of the Eastern Partnership states that all share similar positions on the European-Orientalist Cultural Gradient but have pursued Europeanization projects of different strengths. Belarus is a weak-moderate Europeanizer that claims to be intrinsically European according to its own idiosyncratic criteria, and despite frequent criticism from European institutions for its autocratic ways. Ukraine has become famous as the home of people who have twice put their lives on the line in the name of European values (in the Orange Revolution and the EuroMaidan), but whose leaders have trouble realizing the promise of Europeanization. Moldova’s unique historical and contemporary relationship with Romania has spurred it to a strong pursuit of Europeanization, though like Ukraine, cultural and economic factors threaten those ambitions. Detailed case studies explicate the different paths toward Europeanization for each of the three states.
本章介绍了三个东方伙伴关系国家的案例研究,这些国家在欧洲-东方主义文化梯度上都有相似的立场,但都追求不同优势的欧洲化项目。白俄罗斯是一个弱温和的欧洲化国家,根据自己独特的标准,它声称自己本质上是欧洲人,尽管欧洲机构经常批评白俄罗斯的专制方式。乌克兰人曾两次以欧洲价值观的名义(橙色革命和EuroMaidan)将自己的生命置于危险之中,但他们的领导人却难以实现欧洲化的承诺。摩尔多瓦与罗马尼亚独特的历史和当代关系促使它强烈追求欧洲化,尽管与乌克兰一样,文化和经济因素威胁着这一雄心。详细的案例研究阐明了这三个国家走向欧洲化的不同路径。
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引用次数: 1
The Caucasus States 高加索国家
Pub Date : 2019-10-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0009
Katherine Graney
This chapter examines the Caucasus states of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. It first discusses the Caucasus as a unique region within the Russian and Soviet empires, seen as those entities’ “own Orient,” and the place where the border into the “non-Christian” world is breached. Georgia’s strong desire for Europeanization is contrasted with Armenia’s more moderate pursuit, despite the two sharing similar levels of “intrinsic” Europeanization. Georgia’s peculiarly Euro-oriented elite, and Armenia’s historical and contemporary reliance on Russia as a protector of its survival and sovereignty, are invoked to explain this difference. Azerbaijan, a resource-rich state with the unique claim to be “the first democracy in the Muslim World,” has combined a nonaligned political and security policy with a strong effort to be identified as part of the European cultural-civilizational sphere.
本章考察了高加索地区的格鲁吉亚、亚美尼亚和阿塞拜疆。它首先将高加索视为俄罗斯和苏联帝国内部的一个独特地区,被视为这些实体的“自己的东方”,也是进入“非基督教”世界的边界被打破的地方。格鲁吉亚对欧洲化的强烈渴望与亚美尼亚的较为温和的追求形成鲜明对比,尽管两国的“内在”欧洲化程度相似。格鲁吉亚特别倾向于欧洲的精英阶层,以及亚美尼亚历史上和当代对俄罗斯作为其生存和主权保护者的依赖,都被用来解释这种差异。阿塞拜疆是一个资源丰富的国家,有着“穆斯林世界第一个民主国家”的独特主张,它将不结盟的政治和安全政策与被认定为欧洲文化-文明领域的一部分的强烈努力结合起来。
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引用次数: 0
From Europhilia to Europhobia? 从亲欧到恐欧?
Pub Date : 2019-10-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0001
Katherine Graney
This chapter introduces the author’s argument about Europeanization in the period since 1989, including the idea of a “Eurocentric-Orientalist Cultural Gradient” that guides understandings about Europe on both sides of the former Iron Curtain. It identifies three main phases of Europeanization since 1989: Europhoria, Europhilia, and Europhobia; three sets of actors working together to produce new institutional and ideational understandings of Europe since 1989: European gatekeepers in European institutions, the other great power in the region (Russia), and the ex-Soviet republics themselves; and three forces that animate the processes of Europeanization: the Eurocentric-Orientalist Cultural Gradient, values-based commitments of European institutions like the EU and NATO, and the instrumental concerns of Russia and the post-Soviet states. The chapter also briefly explores the three realms within which these processes of Europeanization play themselves out—the cultural-civilizational, the political, and the security realm.
本章介绍了作者自1989年以来关于欧洲化的观点,包括“欧洲中心主义-东方主义文化梯度”的观点,该观点指导了前铁幕两侧对欧洲的理解。它确定了自1989年以来欧洲化的三个主要阶段:Europhoria, Europhilia和Europhobia;自1989年以来,三组参与者共同努力,对欧洲产生了新的制度和观念上的理解:欧洲机构中的欧洲看门人、该地区的另一个大国(俄罗斯)和前苏联加盟共和国本身;以及推动欧洲化进程的三股力量:欧洲中心主义-东方主义的文化梯度,欧盟和北约等欧洲机构基于价值观的承诺,以及俄罗斯和后苏联国家的工具性关切。本章还简要探讨了这些欧洲化进程在其中发挥作用的三个领域——文化文明、政治和安全领域。
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引用次数: 1
Europe as a Cultural-Civilizational Construct 作为文化-文明建构的欧洲
Pub Date : 2019-10-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0002
Katherine Graney
This chapter examines the different meanings that “Europe” has historically had. It explores the geographic, cultural, religious, and historical understandings of Europe, stressing the uncertainty regarding Europe’s eastern boundary, and how this uncertainty has given rise to the idea that there are actually many “different” Europes, including Central Europe, Eastern Europe, Mitteleuropa, and the Balkans. It stresses the role of Christianity in understanding Europeanness, and the role that Orthodoxy plays as a “quasi-European” form of Christianity, and Islam as Europe and Christianity’s certain “other.” It also discusses how Russia, in both its Tsarist and Soviet guises, has been judged by others (and itself) to only imperfectly fit the criteria associated with Europeanness, even as it judged non-Russian others within its realm according to those same criteria.
本章考察了“欧洲”在历史上的不同含义。它探讨了对欧洲的地理、文化、宗教和历史理解,强调了欧洲东部边界的不确定性,以及这种不确定性如何产生了实际上有许多“不同”欧洲的想法,包括中欧、东欧、中欧和巴尔干半岛。它强调了基督教在理解欧洲性中的作用,以及东正教作为基督教的“准欧洲”形式所扮演的角色,以及伊斯兰教作为欧洲和基督教的特定“他者”所扮演的角色。书中还讨论了俄罗斯是如何被其他国家(包括它自己)评判为不完全符合与欧洲性相关的标准的,尽管它根据同样的标准来评判其领土内的非俄罗斯国家。
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引用次数: 0
Cultural-Civilizational Europeanization since 1989 1989年以来的文化-文明欧洲化
Pub Date : 2019-10-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0005
Katherine Graney
This chapter examines how understandings and practices of Europeanization are shaped in the cultural-civilizational realm since 1989, focusing specifically on the evolution of a European cultural space through the European Broadcasting Union’s yearly Eurovision song contest and the Union of European Football Association’s yearly EURO football championships. It demonstrates the importance that Russia and the non–Central Asian ex-Soviet republics place on being seen as “European enough” to participate successfully in both Eurovision and the EURO football championships, and the ways that participating in these cultural events forces these states to “act European” in political and economic ways, as well as cultural ones. The discussion of Eurovision highlights that event’s influence on spreading the idea of LGBTQ rights as a marker of “Europeanness,” while the EURO football championships are an arena where expectations about civility and racial tolerance as European norms are negotiated.
本章考察了自1989年以来,欧化的理解和实践是如何在文化文明领域中形成的,特别关注通过欧洲广播联盟每年举办的欧洲歌唱大赛和欧洲足球协会联盟每年举办的欧洲足球锦标赛,欧洲文化空间的演变。它表明了俄罗斯和非中亚前苏联共和国对被视为“足够欧洲”以成功参加欧洲电视网和欧洲足球锦标赛的重要性,以及参与这些文化活动的方式迫使这些国家在政治和经济方面以及文化方面“表现得像欧洲人”。关于欧洲电视网的讨论凸显了该赛事对传播LGBTQ权利作为“欧洲性”标志的影响,而欧洲足球锦标赛则是一个协商文明和种族宽容作为欧洲规范的期望的舞台。
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引用次数: 0
Security Europeanization since 1989 安全欧洲化始于1989年
Pub Date : 2019-10-17 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0004
Katherine Graney
This chapter examines the process of NATO expansion since 1989, highlighting the strange fact that NATO claims to be a community of “European” values and identity as much as, if not more than, a strategic and military alliance. This has led NATO gatekeepers to pursue enlargement for rationales other than strict realist self-interest and has led NATO into direct conflict with Russia over the security policies of the ex-Soviet republics, especially Georgia and Ukraine. The chapter examines the unsuccessful efforts of NATO to find ways to cooperate with Russia, and of Russia to reshape the European security sphere to its own ends and according to its own values.
本章考察了自1989年以来北约的扩张过程,强调了一个奇怪的事实,即北约声称自己是一个“欧洲”价值观和身份的共同体,如果不是更多的话,至少也是一个战略和军事联盟。这导致北约的守门人为了追求东扩而不是严格的现实主义的自身利益,并导致北约与俄罗斯在前苏联加盟共和国,特别是格鲁吉亚和乌克兰的安全政策上发生直接冲突。本章考察了北约寻找与俄罗斯合作方式的失败努力,以及俄罗斯根据自己的目的和价值观重塑欧洲安全领域的失败努力。
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引用次数: 0
The Baltic States 波罗的海国家
Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0007
Katherine Graney
This chapter examines the successful “return to Europe” by the three Baltic states, Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. It details how they presented European gatekeepers in the EU and NATO with expertly shaped historical and cultural-civilizational narratives that cast the Baltic states as “essentially European” states that had been “captured” by the alien Soviet Union in 1939, hence worthy of “rejoining” a European community they had been unjustly severed from. Skilled leadership and high levels of human development and national unity also helped ease the Baltic return to Europe. The chapter discusses the Baltics’ key role in pushing for an expanded understanding of Europe that would encompass other ex-Soviet states like Ukraine and Georgia, while denying Europeanness to Russia, which is seen as a threat to Europe. Case studies of each of the three Baltic states detail their specific Europeanization processes since 1989.
本章考察了爱沙尼亚、拉脱维亚和立陶宛这三个波罗的海国家成功地“回归欧洲”。书中详细描述了他们如何用精心塑造的历史和文化文明叙事,向欧盟和北约的欧洲看门人展示,将波罗的海国家塑造成“本质上是欧洲”的国家,这些国家在1939年被外来的苏联“俘虏”,因此值得“重新加入”他们被不公正地与之断绝关系的欧洲共同体。熟练的领导和高水平的人力发展和民族团结也有助于使波罗的海回归欧洲。这一章讨论了波罗的海国家在推动扩大对欧洲的理解方面的关键作用,这种理解将包括乌克兰和格鲁吉亚等其他前苏联国家,同时否认俄罗斯的欧洲性,俄罗斯被视为对欧洲的威胁。对波罗的海三国的案例研究详细介绍了它们自1989年以来的具体欧洲化进程。
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引用次数: 0
The Central Asian States 中亚国家
Pub Date : 2019-09-19 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780190055080.003.0010
Katherine Graney
This chapter argues that with the partial exception of Kazakhstan, by mutual agreement, both European gatekeepers and actors in the Central Asian republics of the former Soviet Union have decided that these states are not in any meaningful way part of Europe, and that no aspect of Europeanization (political, security, or cultural-civilizational) is appropriate for them. Kazakhstan has made some effort to position itself as a “truly Eurasian” state that is a bridge between Europe and Asia but is firmly tied to Russia’s Euro-alternative institutions. None of the other Central Asian states has shown any interest in identifying as European in any way. The chapter explores the various forms of political authoritarianism, security strategy, and national identity that the five Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan) have pursued instead of a policy of Europeanization. In the absence of a real European presence, Russia’s and China’s roles and ambitions in the region are also discussed.
本章认为,除了哈萨克斯坦的部分例外,通过相互协议,前苏联中亚共和国的欧洲守门人和行动者都决定,这些国家在任何意义上都不是欧洲的一部分,欧洲化的任何方面(政治、安全或文化-文明)都不适合他们。哈萨克斯坦做出了一些努力,将自己定位为一个“真正的欧亚”国家,作为欧洲和亚洲之间的桥梁,但与俄罗斯的欧洲替代机构紧密相连。其他中亚国家都没有表现出以任何方式将自己视为欧洲国家的兴趣。本章探讨了中亚五国(哈萨克斯坦、吉尔吉斯斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和土库曼斯坦)所奉行的各种形式的政治威权主义、安全战略和民族认同,而不是欧洲化政策。在缺乏真正的欧洲存在的情况下,本文还讨论了俄罗斯和中国在该地区的角色和雄心。
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引用次数: 0
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Russia, the Former Soviet Republics, and Europe Since 1989
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