Journal of African Law最新文献

The year 2022 marked 30 years since Tanzania re-adopted multiparty democracy in 1992. The number of women parliamentarians has increased from 16 per cent after the multiparty elections in 1995 to 37.4 per cent after the 2020 elections. However, a significant share of women parliamentarians emanates from the special seats system, while only a small share of women hold directly elected seats. For example, in 2023, while women account for 37.4 per cent of the Parliament, only 9.8 per cent were elected from constituencies. This article studies the legal challenges facing women's access to directly elected parliamentary seats in light of 30 years of multiparty democracy in Tanzania. It finds that the legal gaps related to candidacy age, political affiliation, the applicable electoral system, governance of political parties, violence against women in political and public life, campaign financing and challenges related to the implementation of the special seats system hinder women's access to elected parliamentary seats.

This article questions the justification for restricting political party membership as a condition for receiving political service retirement benefits in Ethiopia (a restriction first imposed through the Administration of the President of the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia Proclamation and endorsed in the Rights and Benefits of Outgoing Heads of State and Government, Senior Government Officials, Members of Parliament and Judges Proclamation). After reviewing relevant law, literature and comparative experience from Kenya and Tanzania, the article argues that prohibiting political party membership without a pressing need for non-partisan service is an unjust restriction on the right to freedom of political party membership. Benefits for retiring high-ranking government officials are part of the right to social security and should not be disallowed based on political party membership.

The Wills Act 1971 and the Intestate Succession Act 1985 embody commorientes rules that are inconsistent, unfair to one of the deceased persons and arguably undermine the expectations of Ghanaians. While the former presumes that a testator predeceases a beneficiary, the latter presumes that the older spouse died before the younger. Though these presumptions are essential for establishing entitlement to property, it would seem that they work to the advantage of one of the parties and to the detriment of the other. Accordingly, the commorientes rules must be modified to include presumptions that are equitable and consistent with the socio-cultural expectations of Ghanaians. This can be achieved by resorting primarily to expectations regarding succession at customary law.

This article presents a critical analysis of whether South African courts employ established theoretical concepts to delineate the boundaries between custom and customary law. To facilitate a comprehensive understanding, the article begins by providing an overview of the South African legal system, laying the groundwork for the subsequent discussion. The article then delves into prominent theories that address the differentiation between custom and customary law, providing a succinct summary of each. Finally, the article examines the degree to which these theories have been embraced by the courts. Notably, the article uncovers the courts’ emphasis on factors such as certainty and the protection of human rights when deciding whether to apply customary law, rather than relying solely on the distinction between custom and customary law.

Women experience climate change in different ways to men and are often disproportionately affected, highlighting the need for gender-focused climate initiatives. Strengthening laws and policies to address women's and gender issues is one way forward. Yet, less research attention has been given to women and gender in climate change law than in other issues. This article seeks to advance the field by exploring the relevant law, policy and governance commitments made by all African nations under the Paris Agreement. The findings indicate that most African nations include some gender-related commitments, but only a few include detailed legal initiatives ready for implementation. These more detailed initiatives are synthesized to identify a toolbox of options, which are then applied to Tanzania as a case study. This article contributes to the literature by comprehensively analysing the African climate change commitments and by making tangible recommendations for Tanzania.

Far beyond the contributions of African and western thought on the right to freedom of expression, there are now normative developments under international human rights law on how states can protect online expression. However, these developments are not applied in African countries. A reason for this is the extant provisions in various laws that threaten online expression. This article applies postcolonial legal theory to understand why and how these provisions threaten online expression in African countries. It identifies relevant thoughts on the right to freedom of expression, normative developments on the right and a new form of digital colonialism in Africa. It concludes that for African states and other actors to combat this new form of digital colonialism head-on, they must carry out targeted legal reform that repeals and amends these provisions.

Article 2 of the 1984 Convention against Torture and other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (UNCAT) obligates states to take measures to prevent torture. While many states have provisions that prohibit torture, in most cases these do not align with the jurisprudential anti-torture framework required by UNCAT. Before the advent of the Anti-Torture Act, the Nigerian 1999 Constitution prohibited torture, but it was not a crime per se. Any act or omission that constituted torture usually fell under the heading of a civil claim and could also be prosecuted under the criminal or the penal code. However, most cases were prosecuted as grievous bodily harm, attempted murder, assault or murder. The 1999 Constitution failed to detail what constituted torture; in fact, the use of torture did not diminish under the Constitution. To fully apprehend the present situation in Nigeria, it is important to understand the legislative framework and its compatibility with international standards.

A “sink or swim” approach has been considered the only way to learn how to conduct empirical research; this should not be the case. Empirical research can be challenging for methodological, practical and ethical reasons; thus there should be detailed and systematic reporting on the methodology adopted. The absence of studies documenting the experiences of researching law implies that important lessons gained by one cohort are not readily accessible in a systematic way for the next. This article presents the methodology of research that was conducted in a conflict area in Nigeria during the pandemic; it aims to provide detailed reporting on the research and highlight the challenges. It offers lessons to future researchers undertaking socio-legal research in a conflict zone, during a pandemic or both. It contributes to the body of knowledge that presents not just what is being done in legal research but how, in order to develop “robust and cumulative scholarly traditions”.

On 25 October 2021, Nigeria became the second country in the world, and the first in Africa, to launch a central bank digital currency. Launched with the tag line “Same Naira. More possibilities”, the Central Bank of Nigeria publicized the eNaira as having the capability to deepen financial inclusion, reduce the cost of financial transactions and support a more efficient payment system. However, more than one year after its launch, its usage is yet to gain a critical mass. This article identifies the significant challenges that make the eNaira unacceptable and potentially ineffective. First, its status as legal tender is questionable; secondly, it undermines privacy, a critical component of physical cash. Thirdly, it is incapable of wide acceptance by individuals and entities across Nigeria. The article explains each of these challenges and proposes a roadmap to the eNaira's acceptance and effectiveness.

This article explores the remaking of administrative law review in South Africa since the introduction of constitutional democracy in 1994. It characterizes the construction of the constitutional and legislative framework, as well as the courts’ interpretation of that framework, as the first phase of the remaking. The second phase encompasses the courts’ recognition of a constitutional principle of legality based on the rule of law, and their swift development of the content of this principle. This judicial creativity has resulted in an elaborate avenue to review, parallel to the Promotion of Administrative Justice Act 3 of 2000, and has caused problems of rivalry and avoidance. The article identifies and discusses some of the more significant implications of each of these phases of reconstruction. It also proposes corrective measures likely to advance the coherence and effectiveness of judicial review and discourage the adoption of a doctrine of non-justiciability.