Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp48-60
Kurdistan Saeed
This study deals with the political parties’ pluralism in Iraq under the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. The importance of the study lies in the fact that it looks at a topic that is at the heart of democracy and it is necessary for the success of any democratic processes. The study focuses on parties’ pluralism in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 until the end of the Baath Party regime in 2003, it also covers the period after 2003 and pays particular attention to the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. It focuses on the legal framework of political parties after the adoption of the Political Parties Law and studies the impact of this law on parties’ pluralism in Iraq after its approval in 2015. The study concludes that Law No. 36 of 2015 is incapable of regulating parties’ pluralism for reasons including: the lack of commitment by the political parties to the provisions of the law, the inability of the Parties Affairs Department to take measures against parties that violate the law the absence of a strong political opposition that enhances the role of political parties, the association of most Iraqi parties with foreign agendas belonging to neighboring countries, and the fact that the majority of Iraqi parties express ethnic or sectarian orientations at the expense of national identity.
{"title":"The impact of Political Parties Law no. 36 of 2015 on requlatinq political parties pluralism in Iraq","authors":"Kurdistan Saeed","doi":"10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp48-60","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp48-60","url":null,"abstract":"This study deals with the political parties’ pluralism in Iraq under the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. The importance of the study lies in the fact that it looks at a topic that is at the heart of democracy and it is necessary for the success of any democratic processes. The study focuses on parties’ pluralism in Iraq since the establishment of the Iraqi state in 1921 until the end of the Baath Party regime in 2003, it also covers the period after 2003 and pays particular attention to the Parties Law No. 36 of 2015. It focuses on the legal framework of political parties after the adoption of the Political Parties Law and studies the impact of this law on parties’ pluralism in Iraq after its approval in 2015. The study concludes that Law No. 36 of 2015 is incapable of regulating parties’ pluralism for reasons including: the lack of commitment by the political parties to the provisions of the law, the inability of the Parties Affairs Department to take measures against parties that violate the law the absence of a strong political opposition that enhances the role of political parties, the association of most Iraqi parties with foreign agendas belonging to neighboring countries, and the fact that the majority of Iraqi parties express ethnic or sectarian orientations at the expense of national identity.","PeriodicalId":447516,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of \" Reform and Political Change\" Conference","volume":"153 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123763123","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp86-96
A. Faraj, J. Ali
The democratic transition is one of the common terms in academic and societal circles, but it is noticeable that there are discussions and differences of opinions about how to transform from a non-democratic system to a democratic one. Among the things that are disputed is the question; Is the priority given to internal factors or external factors in the transfers? Can democracy be imposed if the state is not internally qualified to accept the transition? This research attempts to address the role of the external factor in the processes of democratic transition by standing on the contribution of theoretical literatures presented in the field of political science and international relations on this topic.
{"title":"The Role of the External Factor in the Processes of Democratic Transition","authors":"A. Faraj, J. Ali","doi":"10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp86-96","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp86-96","url":null,"abstract":"The democratic transition is one of the common terms in academic and societal circles, but it is noticeable that there are discussions and differences of opinions about how to transform from a non-democratic system to a democratic one. Among the things that are disputed is the question; Is the priority given to internal factors or external factors in the transfers? Can democracy be imposed if the state is not internally qualified to accept the transition? This research attempts to address the role of the external factor in the processes of democratic transition by standing on the contribution of theoretical literatures presented in the field of political science and international relations on this topic.","PeriodicalId":447516,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of \" Reform and Political Change\" Conference","volume":"19 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125267513","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp195-231
A. Sharif, Hewa I. Ahmed
Saudi Arabia enjoys a privileged position in the Middle East by virtue of its strategic position, and because of its political, economic and religious factors, as the Saudi political system was established in 1744 in accordance with a political-religious agreement between the Al Saud and the religious institution represented by the Wahhabi da'wa (Salafism), and continued to receive its legitimacy and support from it, tribalism also took an important aspect in maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity. In the importance of future studies that address topics related to Saudi domestic and external affairs, notably the issue of reform. The reform trends in Saudi Arabia coincided with its opening to the world specifically western countries in the early 1990s, and increased elitist and popular calls for reform, as well as a number of structural causes that reinforced the alliance between the political and religious institution that clearly controlled the social, political and civil life of the Kingdom. This study is concerned with the reform process in the Saudi political system by showing the future scenes of that process, and then relying on internal variables, and the study tries in the framework of its problem to answer a key question: where is the Saudi political system going in light of internal variables. The hypothesis of the study in the context of future studies is based on an optimistic scene that supports the success of the reform process in Saudi Arabia, and another pessimistic scene that believes that the political system in the Kingdom will remain the same, if not turn into a worse state than it is now.
{"title":"The future of the Saudi Political System in Light of Internal Variables","authors":"A. Sharif, Hewa I. Ahmed","doi":"10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp195-231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp195-231","url":null,"abstract":"Saudi Arabia enjoys a privileged position in the Middle East by virtue of its strategic position, and because of its political, economic and religious factors, as the Saudi political system was established in 1744 in accordance with a political-religious agreement between the Al Saud and the religious institution represented by the Wahhabi da'wa (Salafism), and continued to receive its legitimacy and support from it, tribalism also took an important aspect in maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity, and the expansion of the influence of this country until the oil wealth contributed to its development, and strengthened its relations with the outside world, which in turn casts an important aspect of maturity. In the importance of future studies that address topics related to Saudi domestic and external affairs, notably the issue of reform. The reform trends in Saudi Arabia coincided with its opening to the world specifically western countries in the early 1990s, and increased elitist and popular calls for reform, as well as a number of structural causes that reinforced the alliance between the political and religious institution that clearly controlled the social, political and civil life of the Kingdom. This study is concerned with the reform process in the Saudi political system by showing the future scenes of that process, and then relying on internal variables, and the study tries in the framework of its problem to answer a key question: where is the Saudi political system going in light of internal variables. The hypothesis of the study in the context of future studies is based on an optimistic scene that supports the success of the reform process in Saudi Arabia, and another pessimistic scene that believes that the political system in the Kingdom will remain the same, if not turn into a worse state than it is now.","PeriodicalId":447516,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of \" Reform and Political Change\" Conference","volume":"2013 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128012748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp275-285
Mariwan Hamarashid, A. Abdalla, Hama Rashid
All political authorities to strengthen the pillars of their power rely on a set of foundations and principles in order to justify their strength and ability. Likewise, the Umayyads wanted to use various methods, especially if we knew that the Umayyad's opponents were strong in terms of their legitimacy and personality, because they were from the family of the Messenger of God. This is what made the Umayyads to search for legitimacy. One of the techniques they used is the ideas of determinism and political determinism. And the summery of the idea is, that man is a transcendent power and it is God who imposed everything on them, as well as the Umayyad's political and authority rule within that inevitable scope, so the people must accept it, and submit to it, because their authority was derived from God. To impose this idea, the Umayyads benefited from the roots of that idea that is prevalent among Muslims and had many followers who defended it.
{"title":"Using The Doctrine of Determinism to Guide Policy in The Umayyad Caliphate\"","authors":"Mariwan Hamarashid, A. Abdalla, Hama Rashid","doi":"10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp275-285","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp275-285","url":null,"abstract":"All political authorities to strengthen the pillars of their power rely on a set of foundations and principles in order to justify their strength and ability. Likewise, the Umayyads wanted to use various methods, especially if we knew that the Umayyad's opponents were strong in terms of their legitimacy and personality, because they were from the family of the Messenger of God. This is what made the Umayyads to search for legitimacy. One of the techniques they used is the ideas of determinism and political determinism. And the summery of the idea is, that man is a transcendent power and it is God who imposed everything on them, as well as the Umayyad's political and authority rule within that inevitable scope, so the people must accept it, and submit to it, because their authority was derived from God. To impose this idea, the Umayyads benefited from the roots of that idea that is prevalent among Muslims and had many followers who defended it.","PeriodicalId":447516,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of \" Reform and Political Change\" Conference","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131932394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp184-194
H. Mika
"The role of history in future studies History is one of the fields of human research and has a strong relationship with politics, political studies and future studies. Future studies are considered a new field in effective and developed scientific research and have an essential role in politics since they influence each other. Future research fields are enhanced by taking advantage of other human and scientific research fields or using interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods. One of the fields that future researchers cannot disregard is historical research. This research focused on the two different directions: the fields of future research and history, i.e., past events, on the one hand, their future and scenarios on the other. The research seeks to answer some main questions: What is the common ground and relationship between history as a field of human research with future research? What is the function and purpose of both fields? What are their common keywords? Where will history assist the science of future research? The importance of the research is that working on the relationship between history and future science will keep history away from the past. It also makes future studies more realistic in identifying and cooperating with politics, political reform, management, and other aspects of society and choosing a better future among futures ahead of any society and individual. Moreover, historical research and academic centers in Kurdistan have been less likely to apply history as a science to understand the future. The research aims to find common ground and the effective relationships between the two fields of futures and history and link them by analyzing their content, tasks and methods. The research methodology is descriptive-analysis and has benefited from historical and comparative methods to explain the definitions, emergence, and common grounds for both research's variables."
{"title":"The role of history in future studies","authors":"H. Mika","doi":"10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp184-194","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp184-194","url":null,"abstract":"\"The role of history in future studies History is one of the fields of human research and has a strong relationship with politics, political studies and future studies. Future studies are considered a new field in effective and developed scientific research and have an essential role in politics since they influence each other. Future research fields are enhanced by taking advantage of other human and scientific research fields or using interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary methods. One of the fields that future researchers cannot disregard is historical research. This research focused on the two different directions: the fields of future research and history, i.e., past events, on the one hand, their future and scenarios on the other. The research seeks to answer some main questions: What is the common ground and relationship between history as a field of human research with future research? What is the function and purpose of both fields? What are their common keywords? Where will history assist the science of future research? The importance of the research is that working on the relationship between history and future science will keep history away from the past. It also makes future studies more realistic in identifying and cooperating with politics, political reform, management, and other aspects of society and choosing a better future among futures ahead of any society and individual. Moreover, historical research and academic centers in Kurdistan have been less likely to apply history as a science to understand the future. The research aims to find common ground and the effective relationships between the two fields of futures and history and link them by analyzing their content, tasks and methods. The research methodology is descriptive-analysis and has benefited from historical and comparative methods to explain the definitions, emergence, and common grounds for both research's variables.\"","PeriodicalId":447516,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of \" Reform and Political Change\" Conference","volume":"56 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116016178","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp286-294
Hawraman Karim, Murad Mzori
We define nation-building as a process which leads to the formation of countries in which the citizens feel a sufficient amount of commonality of interests, goals and preferences so that they do not wish to separate from each other. It can also be said that nation-building is a process in which the government, the state or a group of elites act with the aim of creating national unity and reducing divisions in society. In this regard, groups and ethnicities come together to form a national identity. Nation and nation-building are two modern phenomena and the elements of the nation-building process, which are patriotic unity, citizenship, collective identity, equal opportunities for all citizens and a common language, are the foundations of the formation of a modern state. In this research and theoretically, the concept of nation-building and its constituent elements and the importance of this process for the Kurdistan region are discussed. The main question in this research is the question of the national existence of the Kurd. Is there a nation in the Kurdistan region? If so, how? If not, why not? Should nation-building or state-building be a priority for the Kurds in the Kurdistan region?
{"title":"Nation-Building in Kurdistan","authors":"Hawraman Karim, Murad Mzori","doi":"10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp286-294","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp286-294","url":null,"abstract":"We define nation-building as a process which leads to the formation of countries in which the citizens feel a sufficient amount of commonality of interests, goals and preferences so that they do not wish to separate from each other. It can also be said that nation-building is a process in which the government, the state or a group of elites act with the aim of creating national unity and reducing divisions in society. In this regard, groups and ethnicities come together to form a national identity. Nation and nation-building are two modern phenomena and the elements of the nation-building process, which are patriotic unity, citizenship, collective identity, equal opportunities for all citizens and a common language, are the foundations of the formation of a modern state. In this research and theoretically, the concept of nation-building and its constituent elements and the importance of this process for the Kurdistan region are discussed. The main question in this research is the question of the national existence of the Kurd. Is there a nation in the Kurdistan region? If so, how? If not, why not? Should nation-building or state-building be a priority for the Kurds in the Kurdistan region?","PeriodicalId":447516,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of \" Reform and Political Change\" Conference","volume":"96 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127231174","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp171-183
Nawsherwan Saeed
Nearly 17 years after the US invasion, Iraq ranks first in the list of the most corrupt and least stable countries in the world. The state of instability and rampant corruption in Iraqi society since 2003 made some critics blame the constitution itself as the main obstacle to the country's democratic transition. For them, the hasty method of drafting the constitution, the absence of Iraqi constitutional expertise, and the lateral representation of Sunni Arabs are among the factors that have contributed to the precarious situation in Iraq over the past years. Likewise, critics argue that the ambiguity and ambiguity in some constitutional articles hindered its application. Amid these readings, the October revolution erupted on October 1, 2019 in Baghdad and the rest of the southern governorates of Iraq in protest against the deteriorating economic conditions of the country, unemployment, and the spread of administrative corruption. The demands of the demonstrators reached to change the constitution and amend the electoral law. Thus, the question posed in this paper is to what extent can the constitution really be an obstacle to the democratization process in Iraq? This paper discusses that the nature of Iraqi society as a deeply divided society, the absence of the previous democratic experience among the citizens, the weakness of the political culture of cooperation and tolerance among the political elites, and external interference are among the main obstacles to the democratic transformation in the country. Finally, the conclusion of the study is that despite all the criticisms and criticisms about the democratic experience in Iraq, the process of democratic transformation is slow in itself, and therefore it can be said that the process is still ongoing and has not failed yet.
{"title":"Is the constitution the problem in front of the democratic transition in Iraq?","authors":"Nawsherwan Saeed","doi":"10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp171-183","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp171-183","url":null,"abstract":"Nearly 17 years after the US invasion, Iraq ranks first in the list of the most corrupt and least stable countries in the world. The state of instability and rampant corruption in Iraqi society since 2003 made some critics blame the constitution itself as the main obstacle to the country's democratic transition. For them, the hasty method of drafting the constitution, the absence of Iraqi constitutional expertise, and the lateral representation of Sunni Arabs are among the factors that have contributed to the precarious situation in Iraq over the past years. Likewise, critics argue that the ambiguity and ambiguity in some constitutional articles hindered its application. Amid these readings, the October revolution erupted on October 1, 2019 in Baghdad and the rest of the southern governorates of Iraq in protest against the deteriorating economic conditions of the country, unemployment, and the spread of administrative corruption. The demands of the demonstrators reached to change the constitution and amend the electoral law. Thus, the question posed in this paper is to what extent can the constitution really be an obstacle to the democratization process in Iraq? This paper discusses that the nature of Iraqi society as a deeply divided society, the absence of the previous democratic experience among the citizens, the weakness of the political culture of cooperation and tolerance among the political elites, and external interference are among the main obstacles to the democratic transformation in the country. Finally, the conclusion of the study is that despite all the criticisms and criticisms about the democratic experience in Iraq, the process of democratic transformation is slow in itself, and therefore it can be said that the process is still ongoing and has not failed yet.","PeriodicalId":447516,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of \" Reform and Political Change\" Conference","volume":"41 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131573450","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp295-307
A. Faraj, Narmeen Ahmed
The tolerance is one of the issues that have aroused the interest of specialists and activists in political and cultural affairs in various countries of the world. Especially those countries whose societies have suffered from: societal crises, national or religious differences, and civil wars or internal or external political conflicts. Because of the developments in the human rights movement and the activities of international organizations and their role in alleviating conflicts and building peace in many countries, the issue of tolerance has become one of the global issues that receive the attention of global institutions, including global civil society organizations, which have witnessed an expansion in their activities by developments in Information and communication technology, to contribute an effective role in the cause of tolerance in various countries of the world, and is attracting interaction at the level of the international community.
{"title":"The Role of Global Civil Society in Promoting Human Rights","authors":"A. Faraj, Narmeen Ahmed","doi":"10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp295-307","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp295-307","url":null,"abstract":"The tolerance is one of the issues that have aroused the interest of specialists and activists in political and cultural affairs in various countries of the world. Especially those countries whose societies have suffered from: societal crises, national or religious differences, and civil wars or internal or external political conflicts. Because of the developments in the human rights movement and the activities of international organizations and their role in alleviating conflicts and building peace in many countries, the issue of tolerance has become one of the global issues that receive the attention of global institutions, including global civil society organizations, which have witnessed an expansion in their activities by developments in Information and communication technology, to contribute an effective role in the cause of tolerance in various countries of the world, and is attracting interaction at the level of the international community.","PeriodicalId":447516,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of \" Reform and Political Change\" Conference","volume":"98 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125512225","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp97-114
Yahya Fatah
This study deals with the relationship between the political field and the media field especially the role of the social media platforms on the political transformation recently in Kurdistan region of Iraq. This is done through a scientific and theoretical study about the controversial relationship between both politic and media and by directing a group of questions concerning this subject to the media experts and socialists in both of Sulaymaniyah and Polytechnic University of Sulaymaniyah. Finally the researcher reaches a group of results, of which: most of the sample members see that the social media platforms is a suitable environment to express and oppose the authority in the Kurdistan region but it is also see that the social media platforms causes stirring up strife and chaos in the region and they also see that it encourages violence which leads to burning party headquarters and governmental institutes in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. On the other hand, most of the sample people see that the role of the religious leaders is stronger than the role of the social media on the community in the Kurdistan region of Iraq.
{"title":"The role of social media in political change in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq","authors":"Yahya Fatah","doi":"10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp97-114","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp97-114","url":null,"abstract":"This study deals with the relationship between the political field and the media field especially the role of the social media platforms on the political transformation recently in Kurdistan region of Iraq. This is done through a scientific and theoretical study about the controversial relationship between both politic and media and by directing a group of questions concerning this subject to the media experts and socialists in both of Sulaymaniyah and Polytechnic University of Sulaymaniyah. Finally the researcher reaches a group of results, of which: most of the sample members see that the social media platforms is a suitable environment to express and oppose the authority in the Kurdistan region but it is also see that the social media platforms causes stirring up strife and chaos in the region and they also see that it encourages violence which leads to burning party headquarters and governmental institutes in the Kurdistan region of Iraq. On the other hand, most of the sample people see that the role of the religious leaders is stronger than the role of the social media on the community in the Kurdistan region of Iraq.","PeriodicalId":447516,"journal":{"name":"Proceedings of \" Reform and Political Change\" Conference","volume":"284 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-07-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123426704","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-07-14DOI: 10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp49-72
Rashid Alzaidy
It is no secret to anyone that the political system in Iraq has gone through and is still going through several crises and suffers from many problems that are difficult to limit and define within a specific research scope. Despite that, there are two main trends prevailing about the general view of the political system and its future in Iraq, which are centered on two visions: First: Seeing the possibility of reforming the political system Second: seeing the impossibility of reforming the political system and the political system must be changed) This was accompanied by developments; And repercussions that affected the entire structural system of Iraqi society, but all attempts at reform failed. Hence, the problematic of our study emerges in the main question: Does the Iraqi political system need change or reform, and what are the justifications for this change or reform, and what are the consequences of that locally? Regionally and internationally? The attempt to answer these and other questions requires that we start from the hypothesis of the Iraqi political system after 2003, which suffers from several structural problems that prevent the success of any attempt at political reform for it. The study is based on the following axes: The first topic: What is political reform and political change The second topic: Building the political system in Iraq after 2003 and the justifications for changing its reform The third topic: Obstacles to changing (reform) the Iraqi political system The fourth topic: Attempts to political reform and its future The study concluded a set of conclusions, perhaps the most prominent of which are: 1 - The future of the Iraqi political system in light of local, regional and international data indicates the impossibility of reforming this system due to the depth of its imbalances Its exacerbation and the depth of the rift that this system suffers from - and the absence of the means to reform, which center on the following options: A- Reform through coup methods B- Reform through popular revolution and that these options are not available at the present time, so it is expected that the current situation will continue with attempts A patchwork that gives the regime revival doses without radical solutions until reaching the framework of the Iraqi social contract, which will have two main options: the peaceful option and revolves around: The continuation of the October protests and the joining of the rest of the Iraqi components to them and their obtaining international and regional support to reformulate a new Iraqi social contract for the unity and stability of Iraq, the peaceful division between the Iraqi components to establish three Sunni Shiite states. Kurdish non-peaceful option external change such as the 2003 military coup, the international upheaval, the civil war
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