The impacts of human-induced climate change are manifested through losses and damages incurred due to the increasing frequency and intensity of climatic disasters all over the world. Low-income countries who have contributed the least in causing climate change, and have low financial capability, are the worst victims of this. However, since the inception of the international climate regime under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), loss and damage has been a politically charged issue. It took about two decades of pushing by the vulnerable developing countries for the agenda to formally anchor in the climate negotiations text. This was further solidified through establishment of the Warsaw International Mechanism (WIM) and inclusion of stand-alone Article 8 on loss and damage in the Paris Agreement. Its institutionalisation has only done the groundwork of addressing loss and damage however - the key issue of finance for loss and damage and other matters has remained largely unresolved to date – particularly since Article 8 does not have any provision for finance. This has been due to the climate change-causing wealthy developed nations' utter disregard for their formal obligations in the climate regime as well as their moral obligation. In this article, we tease out the central controversies that underpin the intractability of this agenda at the negotiations of the UNFCCC. We begin by giving a walk-through of the concept and history of loss and damage in the climate regime. Then we present a brief account of losses and damages occurring in the face of rising temperature, and highlight the key issues of contention, focusing on the more recent developments. Finally, we conclude by suggesting some way forward for the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP26) taking place in Glasgow, UK in November 2021.
{"title":"The intractability of loss and damage issues in climate negotiations","authors":"Md. Fahad Hossain, S. Huq, Mizan R. Khan","doi":"10.3898/soun.78.02.2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.02.2021","url":null,"abstract":"The impacts of human-induced climate change are manifested through losses and damages incurred due to the increasing frequency and intensity of climatic disasters all over the world. Low-income countries who have contributed the least in causing climate change, and have low financial\u0000 capability, are the worst victims of this. However, since the inception of the international climate regime under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), loss and damage has been a politically charged issue. It took about two decades of pushing by the vulnerable developing\u0000 countries for the agenda to formally anchor in the climate negotiations text. This was further solidified through establishment of the Warsaw International Mechanism (WIM) and inclusion of stand-alone Article 8 on loss and damage in the Paris Agreement. Its institutionalisation has only done\u0000 the groundwork of addressing loss and damage however - the key issue of finance for loss and damage and other matters has remained largely unresolved to date – particularly since Article 8 does not have any provision for finance. This has been due to the climate change-causing wealthy\u0000 developed nations' utter disregard for their formal obligations in the climate regime as well as their moral obligation. In this article, we tease out the central controversies that underpin the intractability of this agenda at the negotiations of the UNFCCC. We begin by giving a walk-through\u0000 of the concept and history of loss and damage in the climate regime. Then we present a brief account of losses and damages occurring in the face of rising temperature, and highlight the key issues of contention, focusing on the more recent developments. Finally, we conclude by suggesting some\u0000 way forward for the twenty-sixth session of the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC (COP26) taking place in Glasgow, UK in November 2021.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74842171","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this interview Paul Gilroy talks to Femi Oriogun-Williams about his love of folk music of all kinds. He discusses its songs of expropriation, suffering, soldiering, impressment and migration; its relationship to the countryside - often a dangerous and menacing place - and to Englishness, including English nationalism; and the role of Black performers inside the world of folk, including Nadia Cattouse, Dorris Henderson, and Dav(e)y Graham. He also discusses the cosmopolitan of musicians, and their appetite for music that operates across cultural and national boundaries; the plasticity, pliability and nomadic aspects of musical forms mean that Nina Simone can make a song by Sandy Denny her own, and Kathryn Tickell can experiment with South Asian sources; it allows songs to appear in many different versions, as with 'The Lakes of Pontchartrain'. The folk traditions of the Atlantic world exhibit all of the recombinant cultural DNA that went into them. This creates the possibility of reading the culture of the Atlantic world, North and South, with the idea of a Creole culture - and the possibility of thinking with a creolised planet in mind.
{"title":"The possibility of a creolised planet","authors":"P. Gilroy, Femi Oriogun-Williams","doi":"10.3898/soun.78.11.2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.11.2021","url":null,"abstract":"In this interview Paul Gilroy talks to Femi Oriogun-Williams about his love of folk music of all kinds. He discusses its songs of expropriation, suffering, soldiering, impressment and migration; its relationship to the countryside - often a dangerous and menacing place - and to Englishness,\u0000 including English nationalism; and the role of Black performers inside the world of folk, including Nadia Cattouse, Dorris Henderson, and Dav(e)y Graham. He also discusses the cosmopolitan of musicians, and their appetite for music that operates across cultural and national boundaries; the\u0000 plasticity, pliability and nomadic aspects of musical forms mean that Nina Simone can make a song by Sandy Denny her own, and Kathryn Tickell can experiment with South Asian sources; it allows songs to appear in many different versions, as with 'The Lakes of Pontchartrain'. The folk traditions\u0000 of the Atlantic world exhibit all of the recombinant cultural DNA that went into them. This creates the possibility of reading the culture of the Atlantic world, North and South, with the idea of a Creole culture - and the possibility of thinking with a creolised planet in mind.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"89143366","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rio Tinto's destruction of Juukan Gorge brought international condemnation. The subsequent interim report commissioned by the Australian Parliament was entitled 'Never Again'. But was this a 'never again' to the logic of settler colonialism? Or to the extractive capitalism that rearranges economic and social life with the sole objective of wealth accumulation? Or to the legislative collaboration between settler colonial states and capitalism? Environmental injustice is sustained internationally through the many entanglements at the intersection of law, coloniality, corporate extractivism and Indigenous sovereignty. These entanglements are explored here in relation to: the idea of a 'trade-off' between Indigenous rights and 'economic benefits' (e.g. the Shenhua coal mine in Australia); the over-riding of local rights through a corporate-driven developmental narrative, which results in the erosion of Indigenous ways of life over a long period, rather than through a singular dramatic event (e.g. oil extraction by Chevron in Ecuador); the difficulties in bringing cases to justice (e.g. the Mount Polley dam collapse in Canada); the need for 'green alternatives' to also respect Indigenous rights; and the potential for greater legal regulation (e.g. the ruling by the Supreme Court of Panama on Indigenous rights; recent legal challenges to the Brazilian government's failure to meet its environmental responsibilities). Social movements and juridical spaces need to adopt a radical shift in their vocabulary and in their world-making practices. Courts play a major role in shaping the way Indigenous environmental justice is understood, and are a vital site of contestation for radical environmental justice movements.
{"title":"The many entanglements of capitalism, colonialism and Indigenous environmental justice","authors":"Sakshi","doi":"10.3898/soun.78.04.2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.04.2021","url":null,"abstract":"Rio Tinto's destruction of Juukan Gorge brought international condemnation. The subsequent interim report commissioned by the Australian Parliament was entitled 'Never Again'. But was this a 'never again' to the logic of settler colonialism? Or to the extractive capitalism that rearranges\u0000 economic and social life with the sole objective of wealth accumulation? Or to the legislative collaboration between settler colonial states and capitalism? Environmental injustice is sustained internationally through the many entanglements at the intersection of law, coloniality, corporate\u0000 extractivism and Indigenous sovereignty. These entanglements are explored here in relation to: the idea of a 'trade-off' between Indigenous rights and 'economic benefits' (e.g. the Shenhua coal mine in Australia); the over-riding of local rights through a corporate-driven developmental narrative,\u0000 which results in the erosion of Indigenous ways of life over a long period, rather than through a singular dramatic event (e.g. oil extraction by Chevron in Ecuador); the difficulties in bringing cases to justice (e.g. the Mount Polley dam collapse in Canada); the need for 'green alternatives'\u0000 to also respect Indigenous rights; and the potential for greater legal regulation (e.g. the ruling by the Supreme Court of Panama on Indigenous rights; recent legal challenges to the Brazilian government's failure to meet its environmental responsibilities). Social movements and juridical\u0000 spaces need to adopt a radical shift in their vocabulary and in their world-making practices. Courts play a major role in shaping the way Indigenous environmental justice is understood, and are a vital site of contestation for radical environmental justice movements.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77483954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
For many years Berta Caceres - Honduran environmental defender, Indigenous community leader and co-founder of COPINH (Council of Popular and Indigenous Organisations of Honduras) - campaigned against the construction, without consent, of the Agua Zarca dam in Lenca territory, by private energy company DESA. In 2016 she was assassinated. Since then there has been a long struggle to bring those responsible to justice. In 2018, seven men were found guilty of planning and carrying out the assassination, but records showed they were following orders from higher up the food chain. In July 2021, DESA president David Castillo was found guilty of being a 'co-conspirator' in the assassination. Others involved, including Daniel Atala and other members of his wealthy family, are yet to be investigated. In Honduras, a culture of impunity, corruption and violence prevails, which links the state, the army, the business world and criminal networks. Although those who resist are frequently killed, the resistance continues. Within this grim picture, 'clean energy' and 'development' often act as shiny eco-covers for elites amassing profit without regard to the rights of Indigenous people. It needs to be more widely recognised that green capitalism is not a solution for the climate crisis: it is merely a form of neo-colonialism.
{"title":"Berta Vive!","authors":"Marcela Teran","doi":"10.3898/soun.78.07.2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.07.2021","url":null,"abstract":"For many years Berta Caceres - Honduran environmental defender, Indigenous community leader and co-founder of COPINH (Council of Popular and Indigenous Organisations of Honduras) - campaigned against the construction, without consent, of the Agua Zarca dam in Lenca territory, by private\u0000 energy company DESA. In 2016 she was assassinated. Since then there has been a long struggle to bring those responsible to justice. In 2018, seven men were found guilty of planning and carrying out the assassination, but records showed they were following orders from higher up the food chain.\u0000 In July 2021, DESA president David Castillo was found guilty of being a 'co-conspirator' in the assassination. Others involved, including Daniel Atala and other members of his wealthy family, are yet to be investigated. In Honduras, a culture of impunity, corruption and violence prevails,\u0000 which links the state, the army, the business world and criminal networks. Although those who resist are frequently killed, the resistance continues. Within this grim picture, 'clean energy' and 'development' often act as shiny eco-covers for elites amassing profit without regard to the rights\u0000 of Indigenous people. It needs to be more widely recognised that green capitalism is not a solution for the climate crisis: it is merely a form of neo-colonialism.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"77552360","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Ken Wiwa heard of his father's execution in November 1995 while he was in New Zealand, as part of his campaign against the Nigerian government's planned judicial murder of his father and eight other Ogoni leaders. The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting was due to be held in Auckland the following week. At the time of his death Saro-Wiwa was the leader of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), which sought to challenge the situation whereby a community which had contributed to the exchequer an estimated $30 billion in oil revenue found itself without basic amenities, living in a wretched environment, and being daily assaulted by oil exploration. He had accused Shell Oil company, which had a very close relationship with the Nigerian government, of 'waging an ecological war against the Ogoni'. After the executions, Nigeria was roundly condemned by international leaders, as was Shell itself.
{"title":"The murder of Ken Saro-Wiwa","authors":"Ken Wiwa","doi":"10.3898/soun.78.08.2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.08.2021","url":null,"abstract":"Ken Wiwa heard of his father's execution in November 1995 while he was in New Zealand, as part of his campaign against the Nigerian government's planned judicial murder of his father and eight other Ogoni leaders. The Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting was due to be held in Auckland\u0000 the following week. At the time of his death Saro-Wiwa was the leader of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), which sought to challenge the situation whereby a community which had contributed to the exchequer an estimated $30 billion in oil revenue found itself\u0000 without basic amenities, living in a wretched environment, and being daily assaulted by oil exploration. He had accused Shell Oil company, which had a very close relationship with the Nigerian government, of 'waging an ecological war against the Ogoni'. After the executions, Nigeria was roundly\u0000 condemned by international leaders, as was Shell itself.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"74047811","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"How do we build our world anew?","authors":"Malia Bouattia","doi":"10.3898/soun.78.13.2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.13.2021","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90061394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The international outpouring of abolitionist sentiment in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in the spring of 2020 came as a surprise even to experienced activists and researchers. The context of the pandemic had thrown into stark relief the consequences of fraying commitments to social welfare and excess commitments to security, policing, and incarceration. This essay argues that the moment laid bare the necessity of abolition, not only of police and prisons but also of the industries which exacerbate ecological disaster. To support this argument on the basis of political theory and intellectual history, it returns first to W.E.B. Du Bois's account of "abolition-democracy" as prompted by a recognition of necessity. The essay then goes on to define "necessity via the philosophical dialectic of freedom and necessity, before finding that conception of abolition as necessity expressed in nineteenth century Black abolitionist thought. It concludes by returning to the present, in which the pathological freedoms of neoliberalism seem to call up the necessity of abolition in response.
{"title":"The necessity of abolition","authors":"Matthew Sandler","doi":"10.3898/soun.78.09.2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.09.2021","url":null,"abstract":"The international outpouring of abolitionist sentiment in the aftermath of the murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis in the spring of 2020 came as a surprise even to experienced activists and researchers. The context of the pandemic had thrown into stark relief the consequences of fraying\u0000 commitments to social welfare and excess commitments to security, policing, and incarceration. This essay argues that the moment laid bare the necessity of abolition, not only of police and prisons but also of the industries which exacerbate ecological disaster. To support this argument on\u0000 the basis of political theory and intellectual history, it returns first to W.E.B. Du Bois's account of \"abolition-democracy\" as prompted by a recognition of necessity. The essay then goes on to define \"necessity via the philosophical dialectic of freedom and necessity, before finding that\u0000 conception of abolition as necessity expressed in nineteenth century Black abolitionist thought. It concludes by returning to the present, in which the pathological freedoms of neoliberalism seem to call up the necessity of abolition in response.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"79971019","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The notion of the planetary allows us to distinguish between the global of globalisation and the global of global warming. Globalisation is the process through which humans created the world we live in, how we converted the planet into a spherical human domain, at the centre of which are the human stories of technology, empires, capitalism and inequality. Global warming is what has resulted at the planetary level as intensified human consumption of the globe's resources has turned humanity into a geological agent of change. The global is 500 years old, while the planetary is as old as the age of the earth. The physical world has its own deep history: over time it has experienced profound changes. If climate change is to be addressed this mutability must be recognised – the unchanging nature of the world can no longer be taken for granted. The interview covers the rise of atmospheric sciences during the Cold War, when the Earth became, effectively, part of a comparative study of planets; the relationship between Marxism and the idea of 'deep history'; the human-made ecological disaster of bush-fires in Australia; the influence of Rohith Vemula and Rabindranath Tagore on planetary thinking and ideas about connectivity; biopower, zoe and the pandemic; and the difficulty of thinking politically about deep history.
{"title":"On the idea of the planetary","authors":"D. Chakrabarty, Ash Ghadiali","doi":"10.3898/soun.78.03.2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.03.2021","url":null,"abstract":"The notion of the planetary allows us to distinguish between the global of globalisation and the global of global warming. Globalisation is the process through which humans created the world we live in, how we converted the planet into a spherical human domain, at the centre of which\u0000 are the human stories of technology, empires, capitalism and inequality. Global warming is what has resulted at the planetary level as intensified human consumption of the globe's resources has turned humanity into a geological agent of change. The global is 500 years old, while the planetary\u0000 is as old as the age of the earth. The physical world has its own deep history: over time it has experienced profound changes. If climate change is to be addressed this mutability must be recognised – the unchanging nature of the world can no longer be taken for granted. The interview\u0000 covers the rise of atmospheric sciences during the Cold War, when the Earth became, effectively, part of a comparative study of planets; the relationship between Marxism and the idea of 'deep history'; the human-made ecological disaster of bush-fires in Australia; the influence of Rohith Vemula\u0000 and Rabindranath Tagore on planetary thinking and ideas about connectivity; biopower, zoe and the pandemic; and the difficulty of thinking politically about deep history.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75127647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Space debris has reached alarming proportions and is growing at a frightening pace, because of the expanding number of satellites circulating in Low Earth Orbit (LEO), designed to increase global Internet coverage and provide earth observation data. LEO satellites are now being launched in mega-constellations, including by Elon Musk's company SpaceX. It is time to completely overhaul the 1967 Outer Space Treaty, which was not designed to deal with current problems. The COP forum should therefore include the near-earth environment within its concept of the earth's climate, enabling the UN to acknowledge, as a collective, the growing menace of human-made debris in near-earth space, and, in partnership with the UN-Outer Space Affairs Office (UN-OOSA), call for a new declaration on LEO.
{"title":"Could future COP talks help to de-junk near-earth space?","authors":"Susmita Mohanty","doi":"10.3898/soun.78.05.2021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.3898/soun.78.05.2021","url":null,"abstract":"Space debris has reached alarming proportions and is growing at a frightening pace, because of the expanding number of satellites circulating in Low Earth Orbit (LEO), designed to increase global Internet coverage and provide earth observation data. LEO satellites are now being launched\u0000 in mega-constellations, including by Elon Musk's company SpaceX. It is time to completely overhaul the 1967 Outer Space Treaty, which was not designed to deal with current problems. The COP forum should therefore include the near-earth environment within its concept of the earth's climate,\u0000 enabling the UN to acknowledge, as a collective, the growing menace of human-made debris in near-earth space, and, in partnership with the UN-Outer Space Affairs Office (UN-OOSA), call for a new declaration on LEO.","PeriodicalId":45378,"journal":{"name":"SOUNDINGS","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":1.2,"publicationDate":"2021-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81694145","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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