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Politische Vierteljahresschrift最新文献

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Reconsidering the Relationship Between Anti-immigration Attitudes and Preferences for the AfD Using Implicit Attitudes Measures 用隐式态度测量方法重新考虑反移民态度与德国新选择党偏好之间的关系
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-10-02 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00500-3
Manuel Kleinert
Abstract The study of demand-side factors for the success of radical right-wing populist parties has highlighted anti-immigration attitudes (AIA) as a particularly important predictor. However, these findings have relied heavily on direct self-report measures. This preregistered study theorises that direct measures may have underestimated, through social desirability bias, or overestimated, through cognitive dissonance avoidance, the relationship between AIA and support for the German radical right-wing party Alternative for Germany (AfD). A direct questionnaire and two Single-Category Implicit Association Tests were administered to a stratified sample of the German population ( N = 369) to measure both explicit and implicit preferences for the AfD and AIA. Results reveal that the firm relationship between AIA and AfD voting intentions is strongest in an all-explicit setting, reduced in mixed analyses, and eliminated in the all-implicit model. This provides evidence that the need for respondents to report consistent ideologies may be a more serious threat to valid results in political attitudes research than is generally assumed. Social desirability seems to be less of an issue when assessing the strength of the correlation between right-wing attitudes and AfD preferences. Thorough robustness checks confirmed the reliability of these findings.
对激进右翼民粹主义政党成功的需求侧因素的研究强调,反移民态度(AIA)是一个特别重要的预测因素。然而,这些发现在很大程度上依赖于直接的自我报告测量。这项预先注册的研究推测,直接措施可能由于社会期望偏差而低估了友邦保险与支持德国激进右翼政党德国新选择党(AfD)之间的关系,或者由于认知失调避免而高估了友邦保险。对德国人口的分层样本(N = 369)进行了直接问卷调查和两个单类别内隐联想测试,以测量对AfD和AIA的显性和隐性偏好。结果显示,友邦保险和新选择党投票意向之间的牢固关系在全显式设置中最强,在混合分析中减弱,在全隐式模型中消除。这提供了证据,表明受访者报告一致的意识形态的需要可能比通常认为的更严重地威胁到政治态度研究的有效结果。在评估右翼态度与新选择党偏好之间的相关性时,社会可取性似乎不是一个问题。彻底的稳健性检查证实了这些发现的可靠性。
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引用次数: 0
Frick, Verena, und Oliver W. Lembcke (Hrsg.) (2022): Herman Hellers demokratischer Konstitutionalismus 弗里克,韦莱纳及奥利佛·w·勒博合著(撰写):赫曼·海勒的民主立宪
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-26 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00492-0
Hubertus Buchstein
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引用次数: 0
Nitz, Stephan (2022): Theorien des Friedens und des Krieges. Kommentierte Bibliographie zur Theoriegeschichte. Band II: 1830–1890 国家和平与战争的理论参考文献和伟大历史第二卷1830
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00491-1
Egbert Jahn
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引用次数: 0
Impeachment as Last Resort to Safeguard Democracy? Removing the Head of Government in Different Institutional Settings 弹劾是捍卫民主的最后手段?不同制度背景下的政府首脑免职
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-12 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00488-w
Mahir Tokatlı
Abstract Democracy would essentially fail if, despite an electoral defeat, the government refused to concede office. This possibility is a constant uncertainty that democracy has to deal with, which makes it fragile in terms of its survival. This was on full display after the 2020 U.S. presidential election, including the resulting denials by then President Trump and his followers and their attempts to have the results overturned, with the dramatic conflict culminating in the storming of the Capitol. Trust, but also mistrust, is constitutive for democratic regimes: Trust makes democracies exist, and mistrust makes them survive. Recent studies have pointed out that institutionalized mistrust has long been ignored as relevant for democracies; however, there is little if any research attention given to the most pivotal tool in terms of institutionalized mistrust, namely the vote of no confidence or the early removal of the head of government from office. In parliamentary systems, parliament can remove the head of government for political reasons, whereas presidentialism lacks this option, although impeachment provides a way of removal on legal grounds. This article aims to prompt further reflection in comparative government on how these tools of institutionalized mistrust are defined in the context of different institutional settings and what potential risks they entail. Do the principles of trust and mistrust actually differ between the various governmental systems? Finally, does impeachment strengthen democratic principles, or is it pathological in a sense that it might even foster autocratization?
尽管选举失败,但如果政府拒绝让位,民主基本上就会失败。这种可能性是民主必须应对的持续的不确定性,这使得民主在生存方面变得脆弱。这在2020年美国总统大选后得到了充分的体现,包括当时的特朗普总统及其追随者的否认,以及他们试图推翻结果,戏剧性的冲突最终导致了对国会大厦的冲击。信任,但也包括不信任,是民主制度的基本要素:信任使民主存在,不信任使民主生存。最近的研究指出,制度化的不信任长期以来一直被忽视,因为它与民主有关;然而,很少有研究关注制度化不信任方面最关键的工具,即不信任投票或政府首脑的早期罢免。在议会制中,议会可以出于政治原因罢免政府首脑,而总统制没有这种选择,尽管弹劾提供了一种基于法律理由的罢免方式。本文旨在促使比较政府进一步反思,在不同的制度背景下如何定义这些制度化不信任的工具,以及它们带来的潜在风险。在不同的政府体制中,信任和不信任的原则真的不同吗?最后,弹劾是加强民主原则,还是在某种意义上是病态的,甚至可能助长独裁?
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引用次数: 0
The Occasional Democratisation of Party Leadership Selection: A Mechanism-Centred Approach 党的领导层选择的偶然性民主化:一个以机制为中心的方法
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00487-x
Anne Küppers
Abstract Membership ballots have gained increasing popularity for party leadership selection around the globe. Still, our understanding of why parties use primaries is limited. This is due to two shortcomings of existing research: First, previous research has failed to satisfactorily operationalise subjective concepts such as electoral defeat. Second, quantitative studies cannot account for causal complexity. Thus, to uncover the puzzle of why parties use party primaries, this article pursues a novel approach. I offer new insights by using theory-testing process tracing to uncover the complex causal mechanisms that explain the use of membership ballots, taking Germany as an example. In the four cases studied, I find that it is a combination of an electoral shock, internal conflict, and instrumental motives that explain the decision to hold a primary for party leadership selection.
党员投票在全球范围内越来越受欢迎。然而,我们对政党为什么使用初选的理解是有限的。这是由于现有研究的两个缺点:首先,以前的研究未能令人满意地操作主观概念,如选举失败。其次,定量研究无法解释因果关系的复杂性。因此,为了揭开政党为什么使用党内初选的谜团,本文采用了一种新颖的方法。我以德国为例,通过理论检验过程追踪,揭示了解释成员投票使用的复杂因果机制,从而提供了新的见解。在研究的四个案例中,我发现这是选举冲击、内部冲突和工具动机的结合,可以解释为政党领导人选举举行初选的决定。
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引用次数: 0
Landwehr, Claudia, Thomas Saalfeld, und Armin Schäfer (Hrsg.) (2023): Contested Representation. Challenges, Shortcomings and Reforms Landwehr, Claudia, Thomas Saalfeld, and Armin Schäfer (Hrsg.)(2023):有争议的陈述。挑战、不足和改革
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00490-2
Michael Koß
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引用次数: 0
Perspektiven der Globalisierung 全球化的观点
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00497-9
Georg Simonis
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引用次数: 0
Riddervold, Marianne, Jarle Trondal, und Akasemi Newsome (Hrsg.) (2021): The Palgrave Handbook of EU Crises Riddervold, Marianne, Jarle Trondal, und Akasemi Newsome (Hrsg.) (2021):帕尔格雷夫欧盟危机手册
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00498-8
Henrik Scheller
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引用次数: 0
Von Schorlemer, Sabine (2022): UNESCO-Weltkulturerbe und postkoloniale Diskurse. Eine völkerrechtliche Betrachtung 冯·施奥尔默,萨宾(2022):联合国教科文组织世界文化遗产和后殖民主义论语。国际法问题
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00493-z
Frank Fechner
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引用次数: 0
Carls, Paul (2022): Multiculturalism and the Nation in Germany. A Study in Moral Conflict 保罗·卡尔斯(2022):《德国的多元文化主义与民族》。道德冲突研究
4区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1007/s11615-023-00496-w
Simon Bein
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引用次数: 0
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Politische Vierteljahresschrift
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