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Hipparchus’ Didactic Journey: Poetry, Prose, and Catalogue Form in the Commentary on Aratus and Eudoxus 喜巴恰斯的说教之旅:《阿拉图斯与欧多克索斯注释》中的诗歌、散文与目录形式
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2017-11-21 DOI: 10.17863/CAM.40840
J. Lightfoot
Seeking to establish his didactic superiority to prior commentaries on the astronomers, Hipparchus hit upon the catalogue form as expressing his views in the most authoritative way.
希帕恰斯试图证明他的说教优于先前对天文学家的评论,他偶然发现目录的形式是最权威的表达他观点的方式。
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引用次数: 2
Fighting with the Heart of a Beast: Galen’s Use of the Elephant’s Cardiac Anatomy against Cardiocentrists 与野兽之心战斗:盖伦利用大象的心脏解剖来对抗心脏中心医生
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2014-09-25 DOI: 10.1163/9789004443860_006
L. Salas
Galen’s commitment to encephalocentrism and to a coherent theory of structural requirements led him to assert, even in a public experiment, the existence of a bone in the elephant heart where none exists.
盖伦对脑中心论和结构要求理论的坚持使他断言,即使是在公开实验中,大象心脏中也不存在骨头。
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引用次数: 0
Dating the Homeric Hymn to Selene : Evidence and Implications 荷马诗歌《塞勒尼》的年代:证据和暗示
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2012-12-18 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.1606827
Alexander E. W. Hall
Probable references to the hymn by Aristophanes and Empedocles point to an archaic date instead of Hellenistic or later; its focus on beauty rather than divine intercession gives the hymn more an aesthetic than a hymnic force.
阿里斯托芬和恩培多克勒可能提到的赞美诗指向一个古老的日期,而不是希腊化或更晚的日期;它对美而不是神的代祷的关注使赞美诗更多的是审美而不是诗歌的力量。
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引用次数: 2
29. Regional Texts and the Circulation of Books: The Case of Homer 29. 地域文本与书籍流通:以荷马为例
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2006-09-25 DOI: 10.1515/9783110671452-029
M. Finkelberg
Homer's several statements about the polar constellations prompted ancient critics both to emend the received text, in order to attribute to Homer advanced astronomical knowledge, and to defend it, by means of reinterpretation.
荷马关于极地星座的几个陈述促使古代评论家们修改了所接受的文本,以便将先进的天文学知识归功于荷马,并通过重新解释来捍卫它。
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引用次数: 10
28. ‘She Turns about in the Same Spot and Watches for Orion’: ancient criticism and exegesis of Od. 5.274 = Il. 18.488 28. “她在同一地点转身,为猎户座守望”:古代对旧约的批评和注释,5.274 = Il. 18.488
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2004-09-20 DOI: 10.1515/9783110671452-028
M. Finkelberg
Homer's several statements about the polar constellations prompted ancient critics both to emend the received text, in order to attribute to Homer advanced astronomical knowledge, and to defend it, by means of reinterpretation.
荷马的几个关于极地星座促使古代批评家都改进接收的文本,以属性荷马先进的天文知识,并保卫它,通过重新解释。
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引用次数: 3
The Poet, the Bishop, and the Harlot 诗人,主教和妓女
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2000-06-04 DOI: 10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190268947.003.0003
A. Cameron
Nonnus composed both the Dionysiaca and the Paraphrase of John, and in that order; he is distinct from Nonnus of Edessa and from the Nonnus who appears in the Life of Pelagia the Harlot.
诺努斯既写了《酒神颂》又写了《约翰意译》,而且是按顺序写的;他不同于埃德萨的诺努斯,也不同于《妓女佩拉吉亚的一生》中出现的诺努斯。
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引用次数: 13
The Sixth Sybilline Oracle as a Literary Hymn 作为文学赞美诗的《西比林第六神谕》
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1995-03-01 DOI: 10.4324/9780203616901-9
M. D. Usher
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引用次数: 0
Watching a Lawsuit: A New Curse Tablet from Southern Russia 观看一场诉讼:来自俄罗斯南部的一块新的诅咒碑
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1992-03-01 DOI: 10.11588/PROPYLAEUMDOK.00000100
A. Chaniotis
D AVID R. JORDAN has recently published with ample commentary a curse tablet said to have been found in "southern Russia."l In relation to a lawsuit an unknown person curses his opponents, as well as those who "are their supporting speakers/advocates" (acrol cruvTlYOpOVcrl aU'WlC;) and those who "observe" (nupu'tTlpoucrt). The defixio probably dates to the late fourth or early third century B.C. The expression acrol nupa'tTlPoucrl is unique in curse tablets mentioning lawsuits 2 and is moreover unknown in legal documents. The editor is cautious and rightly points out that a nupu'tTl PTl'tllC; "was someone whose presence, like that of the opponent's cruvllYoP0C;, in a possibly fourthor early third-century lawcourt north of the Black Sea was thought to be worth cursing." This paper, drawing on some parallels for the role of the public at trials, aims to show that the nupu'tTl PTl'tu [ were persons brought by the litigant to the court in order to influence the judges with their reactions or merely with their presence. The word napu'tTl PTl'tllC; is not attested as a legal terminus tcchnicus, nor does it occur in court orations or legal documents to describe an institution, a magistrate, or the ordinary participants in a trial (i. e., /lap'tup£c;. cruvTnOpOt. cruClKOl. EVOPKOl. ClKUcr'tUi, KU'tllYOPOt. etc.). In the Attic orators nupuTllPElV preserves its literal meaning, i.e., "watch, observe, look on" (Sc. a lawsuit), without judicial implications.3 Aeschines, for instance, in the only attestation of the word in a
D . AVID R. JORDAN最近发表了大量评论,据说在“俄罗斯南部”发现了一块诅咒碑。在一起诉讼中,一个不知名的人诅咒了他的对手,以及那些“支持他们的发言人/倡导者”(acrol cruvTlYOpOVcrl aU'WlC;)和那些“观察”(nupu'tTlpoucrt)。这种表达可能可以追溯到公元前4世纪末或3世纪初。在提到诉讼的诅咒片中,这种表达是独一无二的,而且在法律文件中也不为人知。编辑很谨慎,并正确地指出一个nupu'tTl ' PTl' llc;“在黑海北部的一个可能是公元四、三世纪早期的法庭上,他的存在,就像对手残酷的存在一样,被认为是值得诅咒的人。”本文借鉴了公众在审判中的作用的一些相似之处,旨在表明nupu'tTl PTl'tu[是由诉讼当事人带到法院的人,目的是通过他们的反应或仅仅通过他们的在场来影响法官。napu'tTl ' PTl' llc这个词;没有被证明为法律上的技术终点,也没有出现在法庭陈述或法律文件中,以描述一个机构、地方法官或审判的普通参与者(例如,“lap' up”)。cruvTnOpOt。cruClKOl。EVOPKOl。ClKUcr 'tUi KU 'tllYOPOt。等等)。在阁楼上,演说家的nupuTllPElV保留了它的字面意思,即“观察、观察、注视”(参见诉讼),没有司法含义例如,艾斯钦人在一篇文章中唯一证明了这个词
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引用次数: 4
Threatened wombs: aspects of ancient uterine magic. 受威胁的子宫:古代子宫魔法的方面。
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1989-01-01
J J Aubert
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引用次数: 0
Casualties in Hoplite Battles 重装步兵战斗中的伤亡
IF 0.2 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 1985-03-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781315241289-16
Peter Krentz
OW MUCH RISK did a Greek hoplite run of losing his life in a set battle? The consensus of recent writers on Greek warfare is that casualties were light unless and until one side re­ treated. I "Greek armour gave reasonably good protection," explains G. Cawkwell, "hence the small number of casualties on the victori­ ous side in set battles-there were a mere 159 on the Greek side at Plataea in 479 B.C." Oswyn Murray finds the battle of Plataea illustra­ tive of hoplite battles in general: "It is typical of the nature of hoplite warfare that in this greatest of hoplite battles the Greeks lost only 159 men." A. J. Holladay also cites Plataea, along with Mantinea, Delium, and Marathon-where 6,400 Persians died, but only 192 Athenians-to support his contention that "the total casualties in hoplite battles where we have reliable figures are remarkably light." But Plataea and Marathon were not battles between two hoplite ar­ mies. Were their casualties typical or exceptional? An answer may lie in the casualty figures supplied by our sources for set hoplite battles in the classical period between Plataea and Leuctra (479-371).2 There are good grounds for taking these data se­ riously. For religious reasons, the Greeks regularly retrieved corpses and saw to their proper burial. In classical Athens the names of the dead were normally inscribed on stone; the custom is known in other Greek cities as well. Many fragments of these lists survive.3 They can­
一名希腊重步兵在一场固定的战斗中冒多大的生命危险?最近关于希腊战争的作家们一致认为,除非一方得到重新治疗,否则伤亡很少。“希腊的装甲部队提供了相当好的保护,”G.考克韦尔解释说,“因此,在固定的战斗中,胜利一方的伤亡人数很少——公元前479年普拉提亚战役中,希腊一方只有159人伤亡。”奥斯温·默里认为普拉提亚战役是重装步兵战斗的典型代表:“在这场最伟大的重装步兵战役中,希腊人只损失了159人,这是重装步兵战争的典型特征。”A. J. Holladay还引用了普拉提亚、曼提尼亚、Delium和马拉松——在那里有6400名波斯人死亡,但只有192名雅典人死亡——来支持他的论点,即“我们有可靠数据的重装步兵战斗的总伤亡人数非常少。”但是普拉提亚和马拉松并不是两个重装步兵之间的战斗。他们的伤亡是典型的还是例外的?答案可能在于我们的资料来源提供的古典时期普拉提亚和留克特拉之间的重装步兵战斗的伤亡数字(479-371)我们有充分的理由认真对待这些数据。出于宗教原因,希腊人定期打捞尸体并妥善埋葬。在古典雅典,死者的名字通常被刻在石头上;这一习俗在希腊其他城市也很有名。这些名单的许多片段保存了下来他们可以-
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引用次数: 48
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GREEK ROMAN AND BYZANTINE STUDIES
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