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A Comment on R. v. Reeves: Investigative Issues with Shared Electronic Devices and Data R. v. Reeves:关于共享电子设备和数据的调查问题的评论
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.60082/2563-8505.1383
Mabel Lai
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引用次数: 0
The Supreme Court’s Challenge to Civil Society 最高法院对公民社会的挑战
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/707390
L. Greenhouse
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引用次数: 1
Ewert v. Canada: Shining Light on Corrections and Indigenous People Ewert诉加拿大:惩教和土著人民问题
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.60082/2563-8505.1388
E. Hill, J. Wolfe
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引用次数: 0
Bad Ad(Vice): On the Supreme Court’s Approach to Press Freedom, Source Protection and State Interests in R. v. Vice Media Canada Inc. 坏广告(Vice): R. v. Vice Media Canada Inc.案中最高法院对新闻自由、信息来源保护和国家利益的看法。
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.60082/2563-8505.1389
Justin Safayeni, Mannu Chowdhury
In R v Vice Media Canada Inc, the Supreme Court of Canada found that journalists may have to turn over their records pertaining to a non-confidential source to the state, so that those records can be used to prosecute the source. While all judges of the Court agreed on this conclusion, they differed on the legal framework to be applied. The majority insisted that with minor modifications the existing balancing approach adequately assessed law enforcement and media interests in production order cases. The concurring judges found that a new “harmonized” approach that balances both the privacy interests and the unique constitutionalized protections afforded to “freedom of the press and other media” under s. 2(b) of the Charter was necessary. The authors argue that the majority decision fails to adequately protect the media. Although the majority improves the press’ ability to challenge production orders, its application of those principles raises considerable doubt about the extent of their impact. The majority also neglects to recognize the presumptive “chilling effects” of production orders targeting journalist-source communications. Finally, by adopting a formalistic approach to characterizing the state’s “investigative” interest, the majority tips the balance in the state’s favour. In light of these shortcomings, the authors propose an alternative framework: using the concurring judges’ approach as a starting point, it would appear that most, if not all, production orders issued against the media will result in a s. 2(b) breach. Thus, justifying such orders requires more than just “balancing” interests; it requires a s. 1 justification for rights infringement under the Oakes test. Such an approach recalibrates the test for production orders and search warrants targeting material in the hands of the media, imposes a stricter burden on the state, and respects the unique constitutional protections afforded to the media in light of their role in a free and democratic society.
在R v Vice Media Canada Inc .一案中,加拿大最高法院裁定,记者可能必须将他们与非机密消息来源有关的记录交给国家,以便这些记录可以用来起诉消息来源。虽然法院的所有法官都同意这一结论,但他们对将适用的法律框架存在分歧。多数人坚持认为,只要稍加修改,现有的平衡办法就能充分评估执法部门和媒体在生产令案件中的利益。同意意见的法官认为,有必要采取一种新的“协调”办法,既平衡隐私权,又根据《宪章》第2(b)条对“新闻和其他媒体自由”提供独特的宪法保护。作者认为,多数人的决定未能充分保护媒体。虽然多数裁决提高了新闻媒体挑战生产订单的能力,但其对这些原则的适用使人们对其影响的程度产生了相当大的怀疑。多数人还忽视了针对记者来源的通信的生产命令的假定“寒蝉效应”。最后,通过采用一种形式主义的方法来描述国家的“调查”利益,多数人将天平向有利于国家的方向倾斜。鉴于这些缺点,作者提出了另一种框架:以同意法官的方法为起点,似乎大多数(如果不是全部的话)针对媒体发布的生产命令将导致违反第2(b)条。因此,要证明这些命令的合理性,需要的不仅仅是“平衡”利益;在奥克斯标准下,它需要第1条的侵权理由。这种做法重新调整了针对媒体手中材料的生产令和搜查令的检验标准,对国家施加了更严格的负担,并尊重了媒体在自由民主社会中所扮演的角色所提供的独特宪法保护。
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引用次数: 0
The Inside-Out Constitution: Department of Commerce v New York 由内而外的宪法:商务部诉纽约
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/708167
Jennifer M. Chacón
The Court’s decisions in Trump v. Hawaii and Department of Commerce v. New York suggest an inside-out Constitution, with the Court treating the Constitution’s insiders in ways typically reserved for those outside of the scope of its full protection. The Census 2020 Case, in particular, highlights two important ways that the Court has constructed this inside-out Constitution. First, as discussed in greater detail in Part II, the decision offers a clear picture of how the Court has created almost insurmountable barriers for plaintiffs seeking to challenge White Supremacy through equal protection claims. The fate of the equal protection claim in the Census 2020 Case is a logical sequel to the fate of the First Amendment discrimination claim in the Muslim Exclusion Case, Trump v. Hawaii. Both cases illustrate the near-impossibility of vindicating claims of racial or religious animus against historically disadvantaged groups under existing constitutional antidiscrimination jurisprudence. The Department of Commerce v. New York case also illustrates how the substantive rights claims advanced by parties seeking redress for invidious racial discrimination by the government are increasingly vindicated, if they are vindicated at all, through procedural channels. But even when plaintiffs prevail in their procedural claims, as in the Census 2020 Case, the resulting remedies are no match for the underlying equality harms generated by the challenged policies. Racial animus is whitewashed. The Court never grapples with the identity-based dignity and status harms suffered by non-white plaintiffs as the result of challenged policies. As a practical matter, the Court’s failure to grapple with the equality concerns at stake result is procedural protections much narrower in scope than the underlying threats to equality require. Department of Commerce v. New York not only illustrates this point, but also provides a useful preview of how the Court will analyze the claims raised in Department of Homeland Security v. U.C. Regents.
最高法院在特朗普诉夏威夷案和商务部诉纽约案中的裁决表明,宪法是由内而外的,最高法院对待宪法内部人士的方式通常是为其完全保护范围之外的人保留的。特别是2020年人口普查案,突出了法院构建这部由内而外的宪法的两个重要方式。首先,正如第二部分更详细地讨论的那样,该判决清楚地说明了法院是如何为寻求通过平等保护主张挑战白人至上主义的原告制造几乎无法逾越的障碍的。2020年人口普查案中平等保护主张的命运是特朗普诉夏威夷案中第一修正案歧视主张命运的逻辑续集。这两起案件都表明,根据现有的宪法反歧视判例,几乎不可能为针对历史弱势群体的种族或宗教仇恨主张辩护。商务部诉纽约案也表明,寻求政府对令人反感的种族歧视进行补救的各方提出的实质性权利主张,如果通过程序渠道得到证明的话,是如何得到越来越多的证明的。但即使原告在程序性索赔中获胜,如2020年人口普查案,由此产生的补救措施也无法与被质疑的政策所造成的潜在平等损害相匹配。种族仇恨被粉饰了。法院从未处理非白人原告因受到质疑的政策而遭受的基于身份的尊严和地位伤害。事实上,最高法院未能解决所涉及的平等问题,导致程序保护的范围远窄于对平等的根本威胁所要求的范围。商务部诉纽约案不仅说明了这一点,而且为法院如何分析国土安全部诉U.C.Regents案中提出的索赔提供了一个有用的预览。
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引用次数: 0
Precedent and Discretion 先例与自由裁量权
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/708215
William Baude
Supreme Court precedent is a topic of perennial prominence. The Court overruled or severely limited multiple precedents last year, just as it did the year before that. Because of our widely-repeated norm of stare decisis, every overruling is criticized. Scholars have then debated whether the Court needs a stronger norm of stare decisis, so that it overrules fewer cases. This focus is misguided. Rather than worrying about which cases will be cast aside, we should pay more attention to those precedents that are left standing in place. Many of the Court’s questionable precedents nonetheless go unquestioned. The real problem is not that the Court overrules too much, but that it overrules without a theory that explains why it overrules so little. At last, it seems such theories may be coming. Last term, Justice Thomas (in Gamble v United States) and Justice Alito (in Gundy v United States) each attempted to explain some of their decisions to reject and adhere to precedent. These explanations deserve serious scholarly scrutiny, which they have not yet received. Unfortunately, these interventions do not solve, and indeed they exacerbate, the problem. What they propose is neither a regime of adherence to precedent, nor a regime without precedent, but rather a regime in which individual Justices have substantial discretion whether to adhere to precedent or not. This turns precedent from a tool to constrain discretion into a tool to expand discretion, and ultimately into a tool to evade more fundamental legal principles. Part I describes the state of stare decisis in the Court today. Part II discusses Justice Thomas’s theory that precedent must be overruled when it is “demonstrably erroneous.” Part III describes Justice Alito’s theory that precedents ought not be overruled on the basis of “halfway originalism.” Part IV explains why discretionary precedent — of which these theories are examples — are worse than no precedent at all.
最高法院判例是一个经久不衰的重要话题。最高法院去年推翻或严重限制了多项判例,就像前一年一样。由于我们广泛重复的规则,每一个否决都会受到批评。随后,学者们就最高法院是否需要一个更严格的准则,以减少推翻的案件进行了辩论。这种关注是错误的。我们不应该担心哪些案例会被抛弃,而应该更多地关注那些留在原地的先例。然而,法院的许多有问题的先例却没有受到质疑。真正的问题不在于最高法院否决了太多,而在于它的否决没有一个理论来解释为什么它否决的这么少。这样的理论似乎终于要出现了。上个学期,托马斯大法官(在甘布尔诉美国案中)和阿利托大法官(在甘迪诉美国案中)都试图解释他们拒绝和坚持先例的一些决定。这些解释值得认真的学术审查,他们还没有得到。不幸的是,这些干预措施并没有解决问题,反而加剧了问题。他们提出的既不是一种遵循先例的制度,也不是一种没有先例的制度,而是一种法官个人在是否遵循先例方面拥有实质性自由裁量权的制度。这使得先例从限制自由裁量权的工具变成了扩大自由裁量权的工具,并最终变成了逃避更基本法律原则的工具。第一部分描述了当今最高法院的判决状况。第二部分讨论了托马斯法官的理论,即先例“明显错误”时必须被推翻。第三部分描述了阿利托大法官的理论,即先例不应该在“半原旨主义”的基础上被推翻。第四部分解释了为什么自由裁量先例——这些理论都是例子——比没有先例还要糟糕。
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引用次数: 5
R. v. Comeau: A Crack In the Wall? R. v. comau:墙上的裂缝?
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.60082/2563-8505.1378
Christopher D. Bredt, Ewa Krajewska, Ben Shakinovsky
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引用次数: 0
To Promote the General Welfare: Why Madison Matters 促进大众福利:为什么麦迪逊很重要
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.1086/707380
James T. Kloppenberg
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引用次数: 3
Vice, Universe, and Everything 罪恶,宇宙和一切
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.60082/2563-8505.1390
Lisa Silver
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引用次数: 0
Charter Rights, State Expertise: Testing State Claims to Expert Knowledge 特许权利,国家专业知识:检验国家对专家知识的要求
IF 2 2区 社会学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2020-01-01 DOI: 10.60082/2563-8505.1387
E. Cunliffe
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引用次数: 0
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