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Inequality, Inflation, and their Impact on China’s Investment Environment in the 1990s and beyond 不平等、通货膨胀及其对90年代及以后中国投资环境的影响
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-10-26 DOI: 10.4324/9780429428425-4
Zhao Xiaobin Simon, Tong S. P. Christopher
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引用次数: 0
Foreign Direct Investment in China: An Examination of the Literature 外商直接投资在中国:文献考察
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-10-26 DOI: 10.4324/9780429428425-3
Stefan Kaiser, David A. Kirby, Ying Fan
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引用次数: 0
Culture’s Consequences for Management in Hong Kong 文化对香港管理的影响
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-10-26 DOI: 10.4324/9780429428425-6
S. Lowe
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引用次数: 0
Hermes Revisited: A Replication of Hofstede’s Study in Hong Kong and the UK 重新审视爱马仕:Hofstede研究在香港和英国的复制
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2018-10-26 DOI: 10.4324/9780429428425-5
S. Lowe
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引用次数: 0
The Development of Grand Mediation and Its Implications for China’s Regime Resilience: The Li Qin Mediation Office 大调解的发展及其对中国政权弹性的启示:李勤调解办公室
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2014-12-09 DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2283226
Meng U. Ieong
Grand Mediation (GM) is a new conflict management mechanism initiated by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) to cope with rapidly growing social conflict and maintain social stability. This article examines how GM operates in an urban grassroots environment and discusses its advantages for managing social conflicts as reflected in a cases study: the Li Qin mediation office. It concludes that GM may improve the capacity of the local government to engage in conflict resolutions, which confers greater resilience on the authoritarian regime. However, this mechanism is sensitive to changing socio–economic conditions, and its sustainability requires further examination.
大调解是中国共产党为应对快速增长的社会矛盾,维护社会稳定而提出的一种新的冲突管理机制。本文考察了通用汽车如何在城市基层环境中运作,并讨论了其在管理社会冲突方面的优势,并通过一个案例研究:李勤调解办公室。它的结论是,通用汽车可能会提高地方政府参与解决冲突的能力,从而赋予专制政权更大的弹性。然而,这一机制对不断变化的社会经济条件很敏感,其可持续性需要进一步审查。
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引用次数: 5
Failing to treat : why public hospitals in China do not work 未能治疗:为什么中国公立医院不起作用
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9780203091647-11
W. Tam
This article examines the institutional origins of the prevalent failures of Chinese public hospitals to treat indigent patients from the perspective of changes in the demand and supply of affordable health care. On the demand side, the breakdown of the Maoist health insurance system and insufficient incentive and neglect of the post-Mao regime to rebuild an effective health safety net, together with the collapse of the triage in the reform period, have contributed to an enormous growth of the demand for affordable health care. On the supply side, a weakening of government financial commitment to the health sector since the mid-1980s has undermined the motivation and capacity of public hospitals to provide affordable health services, as many hospitals run on commercial lines and physicians act like entrepreneurs. The article further argues that these changes in the demand and supply of affordable health care illustrate the shrinkage of the post-Mao government's responsibility for welfare provision to the general public.
本文从负担得起的医疗服务需求和供给变化的角度,探讨了中国公立医院治疗贫困患者普遍失败的制度根源。在需求方面,毛时代医疗保险制度的崩溃,以及后毛时代重建有效医疗安全网的激励不足和忽视,再加上改革时期分诊制度的崩溃,导致了对可负担医疗保健需求的巨大增长。在供应方面,自1980年代中期以来,政府对卫生部门的财政承诺减弱,削弱了公立医院提供负担得起的保健服务的动机和能力,因为许多医院以商业方式经营,医生像企业家一样行事。文章进一步认为,这些可负担医疗保健需求和供给的变化表明,后毛时代政府在向公众提供福利方面的责任有所缩小。
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引用次数: 8
Contractual thinking and responsible government in China: A constructivist framework for analysis* 契约思维与中国负责任政府:一个建构主义的分析框架*
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2008-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9780203091647-9
Chengxin Pan
Responsible government is often seen as contingent on democracy. Yet despite China's continued lack of notable progress in democratization, recent years have witnessed some limited moves towards responsible governance. In the absence of free elections and other institutional arrangements, how can an authoritarian regime become responsible? This paper turns to the role of ideas and culture in general and contractual thinking in particular for an explanation. Contractual thinking, defined as a particular kind of intersubjective understanding between the government and citizens with regard to their mutual interests, is present in both China's contemporary official discourse on "responsible government" and traditional Chinese culture. Taking a constructivist approach, the paper focuses on two interrelated aspects of the role of contractual thinking in the construction of responsible government. First, it examines how contractual thinking, by helping redefine the identity and interest of the government in line with citizens' loyalty, could allow more responsible government behaviour. It then illustrates that in the case of government irresponsibility, contractual thinking sets the discursive context for rightful resistance from citizens as well as for a more sympathetic reading of such resistance by the government, both of which, the paper argues, could facilitate the development of responsible governance.
负责任的政府通常被视为有赖于民主。然而,尽管中国在民主化方面一直缺乏显著进展,但近年来在负责任的治理方面取得了一些有限的进展。在没有自由选举和其他制度安排的情况下,一个威权政权怎么能负责任呢?本文将从观念和文化的作用,特别是契约性思维的作用进行解释。契约思维被定义为政府与公民之间关于共同利益的一种特殊的主体间理解,既存在于中国当代官方关于“负责任政府”的话语中,也存在于中国传统文化中。本文采用建构主义的研究方法,从两个相互关联的方面探讨契约思维在责任政府建设中的作用。首先,它考察了契约性思维如何通过帮助根据公民的忠诚重新定义政府的身份和利益,从而允许更负责任的政府行为。然后,它说明了在政府不负责任的情况下,契约思维为公民的合法抵抗以及政府对这种抵抗的更同情的阅读设定了话语背景,这两种情况,论文认为,都可以促进负责任治理的发展。
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引用次数: 7
The Political Economy of Greater China “大中华区政治经济学
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 1996-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/13602389600000002
Tsang Shu-ki
Since 1979, China has made tremendous progress in its economic reforms, and in these developments Hong Kong and Taiwan have beeen most deeply involved, so much so that the three economies have been collectively called ‘Greater China’. This article investigates the integration process from the perspective of the political economy, pointing out the promises as well as the problems. The author is cautiously optimistic about the future, provided that far-sightedness can prevent any dominant urge for short-term profits and political compulsion. The logic of economic interests seems power enough to ensure that even the more formidable political barriers can eventually be overcome. As a result, Greater China looks likely to be increasingly open to the rest of the world.
自1979年以来,中国在经济改革方面取得了巨大进展,香港和台湾在这些发展中参与得最为深入,以至于这三个经济体被统称为“大中华区”。本文从政治经济学的角度考察了整合的过程,指出了整合的前景和存在的问题。作者对未来持谨慎乐观的态度,前提是有远见的眼光可以防止任何短期利益的主导冲动和政治强迫。经济利益的逻辑似乎足够强大,足以确保即使是更强大的政治障碍也能最终被克服。因此,大中华区看起来可能会对世界其他地区越来越开放。
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引用次数: 3
Greater China at the Crossroads? Convergence, Culture and Competitiveness 十字路口的大中华区?融合、文化和竞争力
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q1 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 1996-03-01 DOI: 10.1080/13602389600000001
C. Rowley, Mark Lewis
All those interested in international business and geopolitics are now conscious of globalization, regionalism and convergence. Despite the diplomatic tensions in the Asia Pacific region, links of trade and investment are seemingly drawing nations closer. Trade with mainland China has been central to economic growth in Hong Kong and Taiwan which, in turn, has led to the investment in China and its consequent economic development. However, economic factors, as well as political uncertainty, ultimately place limits on the development of closer regional integration. It is thus fair to ask whether business practices and objectives among the established and newly emerging enterprises of Greater China are as homogeneous or as predestined towards convergence as certain commentators contend. On the one hand, some recent studies argue for the validity of cross-national comparisons and similarities between ethnic Chinese, and emphasize that such similarities can only be reinforced by foreign direct investment and j...
所有对国际商业和地缘政治感兴趣的人现在都意识到全球化、区域主义和趋同。尽管亚太地区的外交局势紧张,但贸易和投资的联系似乎正在把各国拉得更近。与中国大陆的贸易一直是香港和台湾经济增长的核心,这反过来又带动了对中国大陆的投资和随之而来的经济发展。然而,经济因素以及政治上的不确定性最终限制了更紧密区域一体化的发展。因此,我们有理由提出这样一个问题:大中华地区老牌企业和新兴企业之间的商业实践和目标是否像某些评论人士所说的那样同质,或者注定会趋同?一方面,最近的一些研究认为华人之间的跨国比较和相似性是有效的,并强调这种相似性只能通过外国直接投资和外国直接投资来加强。
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引用次数: 11
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China Review-An Interdisciplinary Journal on Greater China
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