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Canadian Journal of Sociology-Cahiers Canadiens De Sociologie最新文献

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Strategic Incapacitation of Indigenous Dissent: Crowd Theories, Risk Management, and Settler Colonial Policing 土著异议的战略丧失能力:人群理论、风险管理和定居者殖民警务
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.29173/CJS29397
M. Howe, J. Monaghan
Engaging scholarship from sociologies of security to protest policing, this article explores how risk management and actuarial tools have been operationalized in Canadian policing of Indigenous protests. We detail RCMP actuarial tools used to assess individual and group risk by tracing how these techniques are representative of much older trends in the criminal justice system surrounding the management of risk, but also have been advanced by contemporary databanking and surveillance capacities. Contesting public claims of police impartiality and objectivity, we highlight how the construction of riskiness produces an antagonism towards “successful” Indigenous protests. Though the RCMP regularly claim to “protect and facilitate the right to lawful advocacy, protest and dissent,” we show how these practices of strategic incapacitation exhibit highly antagonistic forms of policing that are grounded in a rationality that seeks to demobilize and delegitimize Indigenous social movements.
从安全社会学到抗议警务,本文探讨了风险管理和精算工具如何在加拿大土著抗议警务中运作。我们详细介绍了皇家骑警用于评估个人和群体风险的精算工具,通过追踪这些技术如何代表围绕风险管理的刑事司法系统中更古老的趋势,但也被当代数据库和监控能力所推进。我们对公众声称警察公正客观的说法提出质疑,强调风险的构建如何产生对“成功”的土著抗议的对抗。虽然皇家骑警经常声称“保护和促进合法倡导、抗议和异议的权利”,但我们展示了这些战略性丧失行为能力的做法是如何表现出高度敌对的警务形式的,这种形式基于一种理性,即寻求解散土著社会运动并使其合法化。
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引用次数: 10
Epigenetics and Politics in the Colonial Present 表观遗传学与殖民地时代的政治
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.29173/CJS20146
K. Murray
This article draws attention to the importance of including the colonial present in critical inquiries into the relationship between epigenetics and politics. Focusing on British Columbia (Canada) at the dawn of the twenty-first century, the assessment illustrates how an epigenetic style of thought rendered tangible the “vulnerable Aboriginal child” as a category amenable to settler-colonial governmental interventions. More specifically, the article demonstrates how prominent elements of this classification interconnected with a mediating device undergirded by epigenetic reason, the Early Development Instrument. Eugenic sensibilities produced through epigenetic logics wove through this relationship. In turn, linkages between the EDI and the classification of the at-risk Aboriginal child comprised a terrain that shaped settler-colonial power and privilege through mechanisms of population management and related implications for territorial control. The article evaluates what these findings suggest for extending debates about the political elements of epigenetic reason.
本文提请注意,在对表观遗传学与政治关系的批判性研究中,包括殖民地现状的重要性。该评估以21世纪初的不列颠哥伦比亚省(加拿大)为重点,说明了表观遗传学的思维风格如何使“弱势土著儿童”成为一个可接受定居者殖民政府干预的类别。更具体地说,这篇文章展示了这一分类中的突出元素是如何与表观遗传学原因支撑的中介机制——早期发育工具——相互联系的。通过表观遗传学逻辑产生的优生情感交织在这种关系中。反过来,EDI和高危土著儿童分类之间的联系构成了一个地形,通过人口管理机制和对领土控制的相关影响,塑造了定居者的殖民权力和特权。这篇文章评估了这些发现对扩展关于表观遗传学原因的政治因素的辩论的建议。
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引用次数: 1
Williams, Monica, The Sex Offender Housing Dilemma: Community Activism, Safety, and Social Justice. Williams,Monica,《性犯罪者住房困境:社区激进主义、安全与社会正义》。
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-12-31 DOI: 10.29173/CJS29523
M. Stobbe
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引用次数: 0
Simon, F. C., Meta-Regulation in Practice: Beyond Normative Views of Morality and Rationality. 《实践中的元规制:超越道德与理性的规范性观点》。
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-09-30 DOI: 10.29173/cjs29507
Gabriel Ménard
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引用次数: 0
Tejani, Riaz, Law Mart: Justice, Access, and For-profit Law Schools. Tejani,Riaz,Law Mart:正义、准入和营利法学院。
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-09-30 DOI: 10.29173/CJS29508
M. Thornton
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引用次数: 0
Jansen, Robert S., Revolutionizing Repertoires: The Rise of Populist Mobilization in Peru. 罗伯特·S·詹森:《改革的剧目:秘鲁民粹主义动员的兴起》。
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-09-30 DOI: 10.29173/CJS29510
N. Favero
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引用次数: 0
Becoming Your Own Device: Self-Tracking Challenges In The Workplace 成为你自己的设备:工作场所的自我跟踪挑战
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-09-30 DOI: 10.29173/CJS28974
S. Richardson, D. Mackinnon
Workplaces have long sought to improve employee productivity and performance by monitoring and tracking a variety of indicators. Increasingly, these efforts target the health and wellbeing of the employee – recognizing that a healthy and active worker is a productive one. Influenced by managerial trends in personalized and participatory medicine (Swan 2012), some workplaces have begun to pilot their own programs, utilizing fitness wearables and personal analytics to reduce sedentary lifestyles. These programs typically take the form of gamified self-tracking challenges combining cooperation, competition, and fundraising to incentivize participants to get moving. While seemingly providing new arrows in the bio-political quiver – that is, tools to keep employees disciplined yet active, healthy yet profitable (Lupton 2012) – there is also a certain degree of acceptance and participation. Although participants are shaped by self-tracking technologies, “they also, in turn, shape them by their own ideas and practices” (Ruckenstein 2014: 70). In this paper, we argue that instead of viewing self-tracking challenges solely through discourses of power or empowerment, the more pressing question concerns “how our relationship to our tracking activities takes shape within a constellation of habits, cultural norms, material conditions, ideological constraints” (Van Den Eede 2015: 157). We confront these tensions through an empiric case study of self-tracking challenges for staff and faculty at two Canadian universities. By cutting through the hype, this paper uncovers how self-trackers are becoming (and not just left to) their own devices.
长期以来,工作场所一直寻求通过监控和跟踪各种指标来提高员工的生产力和绩效。这些努力越来越多地以员工的健康和福祉为目标——认识到健康和积极的员工是有生产力的。受个性化和参与式医疗管理趋势的影响(Swan 2012),一些工作场所已经开始试行自己的计划,利用健身可穿戴设备和个人分析来减少久坐的生活方式。这些项目通常采取游戏化的自我追踪挑战的形式,结合合作、竞争和筹款,激励参与者行动起来。虽然似乎在生物政治的箭袋中提供了新的箭头——即保持员工自律、活跃、健康和盈利的工具(Lupton 2012)——但也有一定程度的接受和参与。尽管参与者是由自我跟踪技术塑造的,但“他们也反过来由自己的想法和实践塑造他们”(Ruckenstein 2014:70)。在本文中,我们认为,与其仅仅通过权力或赋权的话语来看待自我追踪挑战,更紧迫的问题是“我们与追踪活动的关系是如何在习惯、文化规范、物质条件和意识形态约束的范围内形成的”(Van Den Eede 2015:157)。我们通过对加拿大两所大学教职员工自我跟踪挑战的实证案例研究来应对这些紧张局势。通过减少炒作,本文揭示了自动跟踪器是如何成为(而不仅仅是)自己的设备的。
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引用次数: 9
“If the Work Requirement is Strong”: The Business Response to Basic Income Proposals in Canada and the US “如果工作要求很高”:加拿大和美国企业对基本收入提案的回应
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-09-30 DOI: 10.29173/CJS29357
David Calnitsky
Historical accounts of the business response to basic income proposals imply that employer attitudes have been mixed. In the 1970s and 1980s, when an array of basic income schemes was proposed, some groups were supportive and others were opposed. This paper shows that, in a number of high-profile proposals in Canada and the US, behind the apparent dissensus among business groups lays a consensus stance against universalistic and unconditional guaranteed income schemes. The disagreement among business groups comes down to either (1) a basic misunderstanding of proposal details, or (2) the fact that the policy itself can take on a wide range of concrete forms. To the extent that business has exhibited support for guaranteed income policies, the actual policies in question tended to be “two-tiered” rather than unitary, selective rather than universal, and miserly rather than generous. The income maintenance policies that garnered some support among business groups would all include explicit or implicit work requirements for “able-bodied” adults. By contrast, generous, unconditional guaranteed income policies that reduce workers’ market dependence—namely, those that basic income advocates find desirable—found no audience in business circles. I close by exploring the mechanisms underlying the impact of basic income on bargaining relationships in the labour market and comment on the promises and pitfalls of a social policy that continues to be highly malleable.
企业对基本收入提案反应的历史记录表明,雇主的态度参差不齐。在20世纪70年代和80年代,当提出一系列基本收入计划时,一些团体表示支持,另一些团体则表示反对。本文表明,在加拿大和美国的一些备受瞩目的提案中,商业团体之间明显的分歧背后,是对普遍性和无条件保障收入计划的一致立场。商业团体之间的分歧可以归结为(1)对提案细节的基本误解,或者(2)政策本身可以采取多种具体形式。在某种程度上,企业表现出对保障收入政策的支持,所讨论的实际政策往往是“两级”而不是单一的,选择性而不是普遍的,吝啬而不是慷慨的。在商业团体中获得一些支持的收入维持政策都将包括对“健全”成年人的明确或隐含的工作要求。相比之下,减少工人对市场依赖的慷慨、无条件的有保障的收入政策——即基本收入倡导者认为可取的政策——在商界没有找到受众。最后,我探讨了基本收入对劳动力市场谈判关系影响的机制,并评论了一项仍然具有高度可塑性的社会政策的承诺和陷阱。
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引用次数: 3
Macías-Rojas, Patrisia, From Deportation to Prison: The Politics of Immigration Enforcement in Post-Civil Rights America. Macías Rojas,Patrisia,《从驱逐到监狱:后民权时代美国移民执法的政治》。
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-09-30 DOI: 10.29173/CJS29511
E. Cruz, Katie Dingeman-Cerda
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引用次数: 0
Jonathan Fox, The Unfree Exercise of Religion: A World Survey of Discrimination against Religious Minorities. 乔纳森·福克斯,《不自由的宗教活动:对宗教少数群体歧视的世界调查》。
IF 0.7 4区 社会学 Q3 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2018-06-30 DOI: 10.29173/CJS29465
Sadia Saeed
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Canadian Journal of Sociology-Cahiers Canadiens De Sociologie
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