Social Science History最新文献

英文中文

Income Mobility before Industrialization: Evidence from South Africa’s Cape Colony 工业化前的收入流动：南非开普殖民地的证据

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.24

Johan Fourie, Erik Green, Auke Rijpma, Dieter von Fintel

Attempts to measure social mobility before the twentieth century are frequently hampered by limited data. In this paper, we use a new source – annual, matched tax censuses over more than 70 years – to calculate intragenerational income mobility within a preindustrial, settler society, the Dutch and British Cape Colony at the southern tip of Africa. Our unique source allows us to measure income mobility along several dimensions, helping to disentangle reasons for the high levels of persistence we find.

由于数据有限，衡量二十世纪以前社会流动性的尝试常常受到阻碍。在本文中，我们使用了一个新的数据源--70 多年来每年匹配的税收普查--来计算工业化前定居者社会（位于非洲南端的荷兰和英国开普殖民地）中的代内收入流动性。我们独特的数据来源使我们能够从多个维度来衡量收入流动性，从而有助于厘清我们发现的高持续性的原因。

引用次数: 0

Legal Boundaries, Organizational Fields, and Trade Union Politics: The Development of Railway Unions in the US and the UK 法律边界、组织领域和工会政治：美国和英国铁路工会的发展

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.23

Maya Adereth

Throughout the nineteenth century, powerful railway unions in the USA and the UK cultivated an expansive system of voluntary sickness, death, unemployment, and superannuation benefits. By the early twentieth century, the movements had diverged: while the British Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants relinquished its commitment to voluntarism in favor of state healthcare and pensions, the American Railway Brotherhoods persisted along voluntarist lines, resisting social insurance in favor of exclusive schemes for their white male membership. What accounts for these diverging orientations? I highlight the importance of organizational forms as a lens for understanding comparative trade union strategy, emphasizing the role of law in designating legitimate forms of working-class association. I demonstrate that governing elites in both countries promoted voluntarism as a benign form of working-class organization throughout much of the nineteenth century. Consequently, I argue, early American and British trade unions adopted benefits in part because they enabled them to mimic the far more respected and legitimate friendly and fraternal mutual benefit societies. Toward the end of the century, the context had changed: while alternative organizational avenues were opened for trade unions in the UK, benefits presented an ongoing organizational lifeline for American unions. In defining and redefining the boundaries of legitimate forms of workers’ associations, legal decisions in both countries shaped not only trade union organizing strategies in the short run but also their positioning in broader social struggles.

在整个十九世纪，美国和英国强大的铁路工会建立了广泛的自愿疾病、死亡、失业和养老金制度。到 20 世纪初，这两个运动出现了分歧：英国铁路服务人员联合协会放弃了对自愿主义的承诺，转而支持国家医疗保健和养老金，而美国铁路兄弟会则坚持自愿主义路线，抵制社会保险，转而支持白人男性会员的专属计划。是什么原因导致了这些不同的取向？我强调了组织形式作为理解比较工会战略的一个视角的重要性，同时强调了法律在指定工人阶级协会合法形式方面的作用。我证明，在 19 世纪的大部分时间里，两国的统治精英都将自愿主义作为工人阶级组织的良性形式加以推广。因此，我认为，早期的美国和英国工会之所以采用福利，部分原因是它们能够模仿更受尊重、更合法的友好互助会。到了世纪末，情况发生了变化：英国工会开辟了其他组织途径，而福利则为美国工会提供了持续的组织生命线。在界定和重新界定工人协会合法形式的界限时，两国的法律决定不仅在短期内影响了工会的组织战略，而且还影响了工会在更广泛的社会斗争中的定位。

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引用次数: 0

Why so antisocial? Football ultras, crowd modalities, and atmospherics of discontent in public space 为何如此反社会？足球超级杯、人群模式和公共空间的不满氛围

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-09-12 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.28

Max Jack

As some of the most intensively devoted football fans in Germany, ultras coordinate crowd atmosphere in the arena to support their respective clubs on the field while actively positioning themselves against sport’s governing bodies, whom they see as corrupted by the strategies used to transform professional football from a game into a capitalist industry. Focusing on travel and transportation as a key feature of hardcore fandom, I examine the relationship between ultras’ activities in transit to games and their congregation in public spaces (on the streets, on trains, at rest stops, in stadia), in which quotidian ambience is often hijacked and repurposed as an estranged form of public address. I focus on the dynamic ways that ultras move through space as a means of charting the stages in which fan scenes become crowds, and crowds are mobilized as a means of protesting against the alienating dynamics of modern football, the contrasting stylistics of which result in divergent outsider interpretations and reactions from the state, the German Football Association (DFB), the media, and onlookers confronted by ultras’ public transgressions. Through the fan scene’s ability to coordinate movement and heighten bodily capacity, varied expressions of antisocial behavior become a means of harnessing fans’ own disaffection in a way that reclaims public space as it conjures a heightened emotive environment.

作为德国最忠实的足球迷，超级球迷在赛场上协调观众气氛，支持各自的俱乐部，同时积极与体育管理机构作斗争，他们认为管理机构已经被职业足球从游戏转变为资本主义产业的策略所腐蚀。旅行和交通是铁杆球迷的一个重要特征，我将重点放在旅行和交通上，研究超级球迷在前往比赛地点途中的活动与他们在公共场所（街道、火车、休息站、体育场）的聚集之间的关系。我将重点放在超音速队在空间中移动的动态方式上，以此来描绘球迷场景变为人群的各个阶段，以及人群被动员起来作为抗议现代足球异化动态的一种手段的各个阶段，这些风格迥异的超音速队导致国家、德国足协（DFB）、媒体以及面对超音速队公开越轨行为的围观者做出不同的外部解释和反应。通过球迷现场协调运动和提高身体能力的能力，反社会行为的各种表现形式成为利用球迷自身不满情绪的一种手段，在营造出一种高涨的情绪环境的同时，也重新夺回了公共空间。

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引用次数: 0

Mosaic Database: Consolidation, Innovation, and Challenges in the Comparative Family Demography of Historical Europe 马赛克数据库：欧洲历史上家族人口比较的巩固、创新与挑战

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.18

Mikołaj Szołtysek, Bartosz Ogórek, Siegfried Gruber, Radosław Poniat

This paper looks at the progress that the Mosaic database has enabled in the study of family structures in continental Europe in the past. Our main argument is that the combination of comprehensive archival research, digitization and computation, data mining, and open-access dissemination that is at the core of the Mosaic project is bringing about an important shift in the fundamental principles that have driven European family history research to date. These transformative features of Mosaic go beyond mere data infrastructural developments, as scaling up to much larger datasets leads to qualitative differences in measurements, methods, and questions. Integrating these perspectives can lead to an important incremental shift in both the scale and the scope of knowledge about historical European family systems.

本文探讨了马赛克数据库在过去对欧洲大陆家庭结构的研究中所取得的进展。我们的主要论点是，作为马赛克项目核心的综合档案研究、数字化和计算、数据挖掘以及开放式传播的结合，正在使迄今为止推动欧洲家族史研究的基本原则发生重要转变。马赛克项目的这些变革性特征不仅仅是数据基础设施的发展，因为扩展到更大的数据集会导致测量、方法和问题的质的不同。整合这些视角可以使欧洲历史家族系统的知识规模和范围发生重要的渐进式转变。

引用次数: 0

The Cold War from the Global South: Maoism and the Future of Liberalism 来自全球南方的冷战：毛泽东思想与自由主义的未来

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.22

Kristin Plys

In the mid-20th century, The Cold War structured possibilities for politics across the Global South. These strategies were articulated through three competing means to realize the justice and equality promised by newly won independence from colonialism. Global South states could choose from among the following three options, which had many overlaps and intersections: alignment with the United States, alignment with the Soviet Union, and non-alignment. By the 1970s and into the 1980s, left- and right-wing alternatives developed to oppose the limitations of these three perspectives. On the left, Maoism inspired anti-imperialists of the Global South and also sympathizers in the North who stood in solidarity with anti-imperialist struggles. On the right, newly oil-wealthy Saudi Arabia developed a puritanical Islamic alternative to Maoist anti-imperialism and promoted these ideas across Africa and Asia. These ideas did not fall from public consciousness with the formal collapse of the Soviet Union and live on today. My article assesses the different templates for political and economic development that the Cold War engendered, focusing on the legacy of left and right alternatives developed in reaction to their failures. I conclude that these ideological contestations from the Global South reveal that the Cold War was not a mere rivalry between the United States and Soviet Union, it was a global ideological contestation over liberalism; the constituting ideology of capitalism.

20 世纪中期，冷战为整个全球南部的政治提供了可能性。这些战略是通过三种相互竞争的手段来实现新近从殖民主义中赢得的独立所承诺的正义与平等。全球南部国家可以从以下三个选项中做出选择，这三个选项有许多重叠和交叉之处：与美国结盟、与苏联结盟以及不结盟。到了 20 世纪 70 年代和 80 年代，左翼和右翼都出现了替代方案，以反对这三种观点的局限性。在左翼，毛泽东思想鼓舞了全球南部的反帝主义者以及北方声援反帝斗争的同情者。在右翼，新兴的石油富国沙特阿拉伯发展了一种清教徒式的伊斯兰教，以替代毛泽东的反帝主义，并在整个非洲和亚洲推广这些思想。这些思想并没有随着苏联的正式解体而从公众意识中消失，而是延续至今。我的文章评估了冷战带来的不同的政治和经济发展模式，重点是针对冷战失败而发展起来的左翼和右翼替代方案的遗产。我的结论是，这些来自全球南方的意识形态竞争揭示了冷战并不仅仅是美苏之间的竞争，而是一场关于自由主义的全球意识形态竞争；自由主义是资本主义的意识形态构成。

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引用次数: 0

The Origins of a Fiscal Outlier: The Abandonment of a Federal VAT in the Nixon Presidency 财政异数的起源：尼克松总统时期联邦增值税的废弃

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 HISTORY

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-08-27 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.16

Seiichiro Mozumi

Richard Nixon was the first president who examined the possibility of introducing a value-added tax (VAT) at the federal level in the late twentieth century. By 1970, his administration had considered recommending it alongside other domestic programs to overcome the criticism against the VAT’s regressivity, potential conflict in the federal–state tax authority, and the fragmented decision-making authority between the executive and legislative branches of the government. However, in 1971, the Nixon administration shifted their policy priority toward gaining the middle-class political support by linking local property tax relief to a federal VAT. Although they combined the two measures with a rebate to obtain consent to and confidence in them from the “opponents” among the “internalists” of policymaking and societal actors, their attempt failed to accomplish it. As a result, Nixon abandoned the federal VAT. This abandonment was a missed opportunity to introduce a federal VAT, leading the United States to become a fiscal outlier among Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries: it has not yet implemented a national/federal VAT. Furthermore, this outcome marked the origin of certain historical characteristics of the American fiscal state: the use of tax expenditures, “fend-for-yourself federalism,” weak extractive capacity, and fiscal inflexibility.

理查德-尼克松是 20 世纪末第一位研究在联邦层面引入增值税可能性的总统。到 1970 年，他的政府曾考虑将增值税与其他国内项目一起推荐，以克服对增值税的倒退性、联邦与州税权的潜在冲突以及政府行政与立法部门之间决策权分散的批评。然而，1971 年，尼克松政府将政策重点转向争取中产阶级的政治支持，将地方财产税减免与联邦增值税挂钩。尽管他们将这两项措施与退税结合起来，以获得决策和社会行动者 "内部派 "中 "反对派 "的同意和信任，但他们的尝试未能成功。结果，尼克松放弃了联邦增值税。这次放弃错失了引入联邦增值税的良机，导致美国成为经济合作与发展组织（OECD）国家中的财政异类：美国尚未实施国家/联邦增值税。此外，这一结果标志着美国财政国家的某些历史特征的起源：税收支出的使用、"自力更生的联邦主义"、薄弱的榨取能力以及财政缺乏灵活性。

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引用次数: 0

The Democratization of Long-Distance Migration: Trajectories and Flows during the “Mobility Transition,” 1850–1910 长途移民的民主化：1850-1910 年 "流动过渡 "时期的轨迹与流动

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-05-24 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.9

H. Greefs, Anne Winter

This article analyzes and demonstrates the declining social selectivity of migration distance in Europe’s long nineteenth century and argues that this drove a radically new process of democratization of long-distance migration. It uses innovative spatial and quantitative analysis of nominal data on more than 5,000 international migrants who moved to the booming port city of Antwerp in present-day Belgium between 1850 and 1910. Examining the changes in migrants’ origins and trajectories on the one hand, and in their profiles in terms of gender and occupations on the other hand, it argues that the main evolutions observed represent an overall loosening of the ancien régime link between migration distance on the one hand and social selectivity on the other hand. By focusing on gender and social class as markers of social selectivity and by mapping the impressive expansion of the trajectories of Antwerp’s growing number of long-distance migrants, it lays bare the spatial, gender, and social dimensions that contributed to a general process of democratization of long-distance migration. As such, it sheds new light on the dynamics of Europe’s so-called “mobility transition” in the long nineteenth century.

本文分析并展示了在欧洲漫长的十九世纪，移民距离的社会选择性不断下降，并认为这推动了长距离移民民主化的全新进程。本研究采用创新的空间和定量分析方法，对 1850 年至 1910 年间迁往繁荣的港口城市安特卫普（今比利时）的 5000 多名国际移民的名义数据进行了分析。报告一方面考察了移民的原籍和迁徙轨迹的变化，另一方面考察了他们在性别和职业方面的概况，认为所观察到的主要演变代表了旧制度下移民距离与社会选择性之间联系的整体松动。通过将性别和社会阶层作为社会选择性的标志，并通过描绘安特卫普不断增长的长途移民的轨迹，该书揭示了空间、性别和社会方面的因素，这些因素推动了长途移民民主化的总体进程。因此，它为欧洲在漫长的十九世纪所谓的 "流动转型 "的动态发展提供了新的视角。

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引用次数: 0

A macroscope of English print culture, 1530–1700, applied to the coevolution of ideas on religion, science, and institutions 1530-1700 年英国印刷文化的宏观视角，适用于宗教、科学和制度观念的共同演变

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-05-14 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.17

Peter Grajzl, Peter Murrell

We combine unsupervised machine learning and econometric methods to study England’s print culture in the pivotal sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Machine learning synthesizes the content of 57,863 texts comprising 83 million words into 110 topics. Topics include the expected, such as Natural Philosophy, and the unexpected, such as Baconian Theology. Timelines suggest that religious and political discourse gradually became less antagonistic and economic topics more prominent. The epistemology associated with Bacon was present in theological debates already before Bacon’s epistemological contributions. Vector autoregression estimates provide insight into the coevolution of ideas on religion, science, and institutions. Innovations in religious ideas stimulated focus on science, especially at times when Puritanism was prominent in religious discourse. Neither science nor institutional thought evidence secularization. The Glorious Revolution and the Civil War did not spur debates on institutions nor did the founding of the Royal Society markedly elevate attention to science.

我们将无监督机器学习和计量经济学方法结合起来，研究关键的十六和十七世纪英国的印刷文化。机器学习将包含 8,300 万字的 57,863 篇文本内容归纳为 110 个主题。主题包括意料之中的（如自然哲学）和意料之外的（如培根神学）。时间轴表明，宗教和政治话语的对立性逐渐减弱，而经济话题则更加突出。与培根有关的认识论在培根做出认识论贡献之前就已经出现在神学辩论中了。矢量自回归估算深入揭示了宗教、科学和制度思想的共同演变。宗教思想的创新激发了人们对科学的关注，尤其是在清教主义在宗教话语中占据重要地位的时候。科学和制度思想都没有证明世俗化。光荣革命和内战并没有激发对制度的讨论，皇家学会的成立也没有明显提升对科学的关注。

引用次数: 0

The rise of the Spanish right during the Second Republic (1931–36). Social structures, Catholic associations, and conservative electoral mobilization 第二共和国时期西班牙右翼的崛起（1931-1936 年）。社会结构、天主教社团和保守派选举动员

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-05-06 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.10

Iván Llamazares

Comparative historical analyses have emphasized the role played by conservative parties in the consolidation of democratic regimes in Europe. They have also identified the main factors shaping the political and electoral strength of the right in democratization processes. On the basis of these analyses, the Spanish Second Republic (1931–36) has been characterized as a very inauspicious ground for the development of a strong conservative party. However, the right managed to build a successful electoral force in a short period of time. This paper explores the factors affecting the electoral strength of the Spanish right by conducting ecological statistical analyses in the three republican legislative elections. Empirical results show that the right managed to build strong links with national voters on the basis of sociopolitical cleavages and underlying social and institutional characteristics. In particular, they reveal the key importance of the religious cleavage in the party system of the 1930s and the crucial role played by Catholic lay organizations in the success of the right. Ultimately, this finding shows that, contrary to previous theoretical expectations, initial organizational precariousness was not an unsurmountable obstacle for the electoral success of the Spanish right.

历史比较分析强调了保守党在巩固欧洲民主制度中发挥的作用。这些分析还指出了在民主化进程中形成右翼政治和选举力量的主要因素。在这些分析的基础上，西班牙第二共和国（1931-1936 年）被认为是一个非常不利于发展强大保守党的时期。然而，右翼却在短时间内成功建立了一支选举力量。本文通过对三次共和国立法选举进行生态统计分析，探讨了影响西班牙右翼选举力量的因素。实证结果表明，在社会政治裂痕和基本社会与制度特征的基础上，右翼成功地与全国选民建立了强有力的联系。特别是，它们揭示了宗教分裂在 20 世纪 30 年代政党制度中的关键重要性，以及天主教非宗教组织在右翼成功中发挥的关键作用。最终，这一发现表明，与之前的理论预期相反，最初的组织不稳定性并不是西班牙右翼选举成功的不可逾越的障碍。

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引用次数: 0

Virtual Issue: Race in the United States in Social Science History 虚拟期刊：社会科学史中的美国种族问题

IF 0.8 3区历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities

Social Science History

Pub Date : 2024-04-19 DOI: 10.1017/ssh.2024.2

Joseph O. Jewell, M. Maynes, Robert C. Lieberman, R. Emigh

引用次数: 0

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