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From Embassy Ties to Twitter Links: Comparing Offline and Online Diplomatic Networks 从大使馆关系到推特链接:线下和线上外交网络的比较
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1002/POI3.199
E. Sevin, I. Manor
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引用次数: 15
Why Do Politicians Tweet? Extremists, Underdogs, and Opposing Parties as Political Tweeters 政客们为什么发推特?极端分子、弱势群体和反对党都是政治推特用户
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1002/POI3.201
Sounman Hong, Haneul Choi, Taek Kyu Kim
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引用次数: 25
Followers Retweet! The Influence of Middle‐Level Gatekeepers on the Spread of Political Information on Twitter 关注者转发!中层把关人对推特政治信息传播的影响
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1002/POI3.202
Jeff J. Hemsley
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引用次数: 25
Issue Information 问题信息
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-01 DOI: 10.1002/poi3.180
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引用次数: 0
Does Aid for Information and Communications Technology Help Reduce the Global Digital Divide? 对信息和通信技术的援助是否有助于缩小全球数字鸿沟?
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-22 DOI: 10.1002/POI3.220
S. Gnangnon
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引用次数: 15
Contextual Integrity and its Discontents: A Critique of Helen Nissenbaum's Normative Arguments 语境的完整性及其不满——评海伦·尼森鲍姆的规范性论证
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-08-05 DOI: 10.1002/POI3.215
J. Rule
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引用次数: 8
Safeguarding Public Interests in the Platform Economy 在平台经济中维护公共利益
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-07-31 DOI: 10.1002/POI3.217
K. Frenken, A. V. Waes, P. Pelzer, M. Smink, R. Est
This article examines the main public interests at stake with the rise of online platforms in the sharing economy and the gig economy. We do so by analyzing platforms in five sectors in the Netherlands: domestic cleaning (Helpling), taxi rides (UberPop), home restaurants (AirDnD), home sharing (Airbnb), and car sharing (SnappCar). The most salient public interests are a level playing field between platforms and industry incumbents, tax compliance, consumer protection, labor protection, and privacy protection. We develop four policy options (enforce, new regulation, deregulation, and toleration), and discuss the rationales for each option in safeguarding each public interest. We further stress that arguments supporting a particular policy option should take into account the sectoral context. We finally highlight the tension between the subsidiarity principle, which would call for local regulations as platforms mostly concern local transactions and innovation policies that aim to support innovation and a single digital market.
本文探讨了共享经济和零工经济中在线平台的兴起所涉及的主要公共利益。我们通过分析荷兰五个行业的平台来做到这一点:家庭清洁(Helpling)、出租车(UberPop)、家庭餐馆(airnd)、家庭共享(Airbnb)和汽车共享(SnappCar)。最突出的公共利益是平台和行业现有企业之间的公平竞争环境、税收合规、消费者保护、劳动保护和隐私保护。我们提出了四种政策选择(强制执行、新规定、放松管制和容忍),并讨论了每种选择在维护每种公共利益方面的基本原理。我们进一步强调,支持特定政策选择的论据应考虑到部门背景。我们最后强调了辅助性原则之间的紧张关系,这将要求地方法规,因为平台主要涉及当地交易和旨在支持创新和单一数字市场的创新政策。
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引用次数: 34
Local Government Performance, Cost‐Effectiveness, and Use of the Web: An Empirical Analysis 地方政府绩效、成本效益和网络使用:实证分析
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-07-11 DOI: 10.1002/POI3.209
T. Nicholls
This article empirically assesses the relationship between government use of the web, service performance, and cost ‐ effectiveness. It tests and challenges the assumption, prevalent in government thinking and in the Digital Era Governance (DEG) quasi ‐ paradigm, that the delivery of web ‐ based public services is associated with better outcomes. English local government is used as a test case, for which (uniquely) good ‐ quality full ‐ population time ‐ series data for council performance, cost, and web quality are available. A new panel data set is constructed covering 2002 – 2008, allowing the actual relationship between web performance and council cost and quality to be estimated using dynamic regression models which control for both general changes over time and the time ‐ invariant differences between councils. Consistent growth is shown in the scope and quality of local government web provision. Despite this, and governmental enthusiasm for bringing services online, no association is found between web development and performance, or cost ‐ effectiveness. The article concludes that governments ’ enthusiasm for citizen ‐ facing digital government is not supported by this empirical data, and that a skeptical view is warranted of DEG ’ s advocacy of digitalization as a core focus for service improvement.
本文实证评估了政府对网络的使用、服务绩效和成本效益之间的关系。它测试并挑战了政府思维和数字时代治理(DEG)准范式中普遍存在的假设,即提供基于网络的公共服务会带来更好的结果。英国地方政府被用作一个测试案例,可以获得(独特的)高质量的议会绩效、成本和网络质量的全人口时间序列数据。构建了一个涵盖2002-2008年的新面板数据集,允许使用动态回归模型来估计网络性能与委员会成本和质量之间的实际关系,该模型控制了随时间的总体变化和委员会之间的时间不变差异。地方政府网络服务的范围和质量持续增长。尽管如此,加上政府对在线服务的热情,网络开发与性能或成本效益之间没有关联。这篇文章的结论是,政府对面向公民的数字政府的热情并没有得到这些实证数据的支持,并且对DEG将数字化作为改善服务的核心关注点的倡导持怀疑态度。
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引用次数: 2
User Data as Public Resource: Implications for Social Media Regulation 用户数据作为公共资源:对社交媒体监管的启示
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-06-04 DOI: 10.1002/POI3.216
Philip M. Napoli
Revelations about the misuse and insecurity of user data gathered by social media platforms have renewed discussions about how best to characterize property rights in user data. At the same time, revelations about the use of social media platforms to disseminate disinformation and hate speech have prompted debates over the need for government regulation to assure that these platforms serve the public interest. These debates often hinge on whether any of the established rationales for media regulation apply to social media. This paper argues that the public resource rationale that has been utilized in traditional media regulation in the U.S. applies to social media. The public resource rationale contends that, when a media outlet utilizes a public resource – such as the broadcast spectrum, or public rights of way – the outlet must abide by certain public interest obligations that may infringe upon its First Amendment rights. This paper argues that aggregate user data can be conceptualized as a public resource that triggers the application of a public interest regulatory framework to social media sites and other digital platforms that derive their revenue from the gathering, sharing, and monetization of massive aggregations of user data.
关于社交媒体平台收集的用户数据滥用和不安全的披露,重新引发了关于如何最好地描述用户数据产权的讨论。与此同时,关于利用社交媒体平台传播虚假信息和仇恨言论的披露,引发了关于政府是否需要监管以确保这些平台服务于公众利益的辩论。这些争论往往取决于媒体监管的既定原则是否适用于社交媒体。本文认为,美国传统媒体监管中使用的公共资源理论也适用于社交媒体。公共资源理论认为,当媒体机构利用公共资源(如广播频谱或公共通行权)时,该媒体机构必须遵守某些可能侵犯其第一修正案权利的公共利益义务。本文认为,聚合用户数据可以被概念化为一种公共资源,它触发了对社交媒体网站和其他数字平台的公共利益监管框架的应用,这些平台从大量用户数据的收集、共享和货币化中获得收入。
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引用次数: 15
Issue Information 问题信息
IF 4.9 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-06-01 DOI: 10.1002/poi3.179
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引用次数: 0
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Policy and Internet
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