Pub Date : 2022-04-03DOI: 10.1177/14687968221085104
R. Bauböck
Introduction: multiculturalism at fifty In this special issue celebrating the 20 anniversary of the University of Bristol’s Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship, it is opportune to remember another important anniversary. Fifty years ago, in October 1971, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau declared multiculturalism to be an official policy of the federal government. Australia was the next state to adopt the concept as a label for government policy in 1973. European states followed with considerable delay, with the Netherlands, Sweden and the UK as the only three countries where multiculturalism was officially embraced to some extent in the 1980s and 1990s. Remarkably, all European states have more or less abandoned the concept since, even if few of the policies that were introduced under this label have been reversed. In the early 2000s and in the wake of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, several prominent European political leaders – among them those of countries like Germany (Angela Merkel) and France (Nicola Sarkozy) that had never adopted official multiculturalism in the first place – declared the idea dead and policies pursuing it as having failed (see also Triandafyllidou, in this issue). Only Canada still proudly proclaims to be a multicultural nation. Even in Canada, however, the concept was always contested. In Quebec, it was often criticized as a ploy by the Trudeau government to diminish the status of French as a second official language and the claims of Quebec to be a ‘distinct society’ and one of the
{"title":"Cultural majority rights: Has multiculturalism been turned upside down?","authors":"R. Bauböck","doi":"10.1177/14687968221085104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968221085104","url":null,"abstract":"Introduction: multiculturalism at fifty In this special issue celebrating the 20 anniversary of the University of Bristol’s Centre for the Study of Ethnicity and Citizenship, it is opportune to remember another important anniversary. Fifty years ago, in October 1971, Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau declared multiculturalism to be an official policy of the federal government. Australia was the next state to adopt the concept as a label for government policy in 1973. European states followed with considerable delay, with the Netherlands, Sweden and the UK as the only three countries where multiculturalism was officially embraced to some extent in the 1980s and 1990s. Remarkably, all European states have more or less abandoned the concept since, even if few of the policies that were introduced under this label have been reversed. In the early 2000s and in the wake of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, several prominent European political leaders – among them those of countries like Germany (Angela Merkel) and France (Nicola Sarkozy) that had never adopted official multiculturalism in the first place – declared the idea dead and policies pursuing it as having failed (see also Triandafyllidou, in this issue). Only Canada still proudly proclaims to be a multicultural nation. Even in Canada, however, the concept was always contested. In Quebec, it was often criticized as a ploy by the Trudeau government to diminish the status of French as a second official language and the claims of Quebec to be a ‘distinct society’ and one of the","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"22 1","pages":"527 - 546"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44756770","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-04-01DOI: 10.1177/14687968221083794
Çetin Çelik
Students of Turkish heritage are overrepresented in basic secondary vocational schools and underrepresented in university-track academic secondary schools in Germany. Macro-level studies analyzing this achievement gap generally focus on the effects of family resources, institutional practices, and discrimination. Yet, the impact of macro-level factors, such as the effects of institutional mechanisms on students’ identities, remains relatively unquestioned. Drawing on the ethnicization framework and utilizing in-depth interviews and ethnography, this study examines the social consciousness of a group of male Turkish descent students in German secondary school tracks. The study analyzes the relationship between social consciousness and the broader educational context, suggesting that this relationship involves ethnicized oppositional elements stemming not from culture but from class and ethnic stratifications affirmed and lived out in German schools on a daily basis.
{"title":"How tracking gets under the skin: German education system and social consciousness of Turkish descent students in basic secondary school tracks","authors":"Çetin Çelik","doi":"10.1177/14687968221083794","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968221083794","url":null,"abstract":"Students of Turkish heritage are overrepresented in basic secondary vocational schools and underrepresented in university-track academic secondary schools in Germany. Macro-level studies analyzing this achievement gap generally focus on the effects of family resources, institutional practices, and discrimination. Yet, the impact of macro-level factors, such as the effects of institutional mechanisms on students’ identities, remains relatively unquestioned. Drawing on the ethnicization framework and utilizing in-depth interviews and ethnography, this study examines the social consciousness of a group of male Turkish descent students in German secondary school tracks. The study analyzes the relationship between social consciousness and the broader educational context, suggesting that this relationship involves ethnicized oppositional elements stemming not from culture but from class and ethnic stratifications affirmed and lived out in German schools on a daily basis.","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"22 1","pages":"904 - 921"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47124638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-25DOI: 10.1177/14687968221078345
Ronald Kwon, William J. Scarborough, Caroline Taylor
Attitudinal studies illustrate high levels of support toward homosexuality across European countries. Although these patterns suggest that European societies are becoming more progressive and tolerant, they do not extend to Muslim migration. As Western conceptions of liberalism are increasingly defined in terms of tolerance of sexual minorities as a marker of societal progress, persistent anti-Muslim sentiment presents a liberalism paradox. Existing research often explores these two social topics independently, with limited attention to their intersection. Moving beyond this unidimensional lens, we draw on the frameworks of homonationalism and illiberal liberalism to provide insights into how seemingly incompatible perspectives are mutually constitutive and operate in the service of individuals’ self-interest. We use latent class analysis to examine attitudinal configurations related to homosexuality and Muslim exclusion from the 7th wave (2014) of the European Social Survey (ESS). Our analysis identifies three dominant attitudinal clusters. We find that most respondents held multidimensional views—supporting homosexuality while simultaneously rejecting Muslim migration—consistent with selective tolerance and homonationalist perspectives. The remaining two clusters held unified viewpoints, either rejecting both homosexuality and Muslim migration or favoring both. Predicting these attitudinal configurations with socio-demographic characteristics and attitudes towards immigration, we find that those with selective tolerance-homonationalist perspectives occupy a precarious middle-class position characterized by low levels of educational attainment and lower-status white-collar occupations. We find evidence that individuals in this tenuous social class position express both economic and cultural threat by reappropriating tolerant views toward homosexuality for the purpose of justifying Muslim exclusion.
{"title":"Multidimensional attitudes: Homonationalist and selective tolerance toward homosexuality and Muslim migration across 21 Countries","authors":"Ronald Kwon, William J. Scarborough, Caroline Taylor","doi":"10.1177/14687968221078345","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968221078345","url":null,"abstract":"Attitudinal studies illustrate high levels of support toward homosexuality across European countries. Although these patterns suggest that European societies are becoming more progressive and tolerant, they do not extend to Muslim migration. As Western conceptions of liberalism are increasingly defined in terms of tolerance of sexual minorities as a marker of societal progress, persistent anti-Muslim sentiment presents a liberalism paradox. Existing research often explores these two social topics independently, with limited attention to their intersection. Moving beyond this unidimensional lens, we draw on the frameworks of homonationalism and illiberal liberalism to provide insights into how seemingly incompatible perspectives are mutually constitutive and operate in the service of individuals’ self-interest. We use latent class analysis to examine attitudinal configurations related to homosexuality and Muslim exclusion from the 7th wave (2014) of the European Social Survey (ESS). Our analysis identifies three dominant attitudinal clusters. We find that most respondents held multidimensional views—supporting homosexuality while simultaneously rejecting Muslim migration—consistent with selective tolerance and homonationalist perspectives. The remaining two clusters held unified viewpoints, either rejecting both homosexuality and Muslim migration or favoring both. Predicting these attitudinal configurations with socio-demographic characteristics and attitudes towards immigration, we find that those with selective tolerance-homonationalist perspectives occupy a precarious middle-class position characterized by low levels of educational attainment and lower-status white-collar occupations. We find evidence that individuals in this tenuous social class position express both economic and cultural threat by reappropriating tolerant views toward homosexuality for the purpose of justifying Muslim exclusion.","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"23 1","pages":"331 - 366"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43586952","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-05DOI: 10.1177/14687968221078350
Parikshit Sarmah, D. Nath
This paper argues that the emergence of social media as a new public sphere has shaped masculine identity in the cyber platform. Such masculinity in Assamese society (the Assamese-speaking community), based on the images of the ideal Assamese man is linked with a form of Assamese nationalistic masculinity that gathered momentum during the Assam Movement (1979–1985). Politics of identity in Assam is basically trapped in the world of appearances, fighting real and imaginary enemies, and drawing strength from prejudices and misconceptions of groups, about themselves and others. This process of identity creation also shaped the identity of the “ideal” Assamese man in the recent socio-political history of Assam. This article is an attempt to define how masculinity works in the cyber world by focusing attention on Assamese nationalistic masculinity which is based on the image of the “RealAssamese Man.” The “Real Assamese Man,” in turn, draws inspiration from a socio-cultural context which started with the creation of Assamese iconographies of masculinity which were later transformed and appropriated to serve the purpose of identity-politics.
{"title":"Oti axamiyagiri: Assamese nationalistic masculine identity, United Liberation Front of Asom and cyberspace","authors":"Parikshit Sarmah, D. Nath","doi":"10.1177/14687968221078350","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968221078350","url":null,"abstract":"This paper argues that the emergence of social media as a new public sphere has shaped masculine identity in the cyber platform. Such masculinity in Assamese society (the Assamese-speaking community), based on the images of the ideal Assamese man is linked with a form of Assamese nationalistic masculinity that gathered momentum during the Assam Movement (1979–1985). Politics of identity in Assam is basically trapped in the world of appearances, fighting real and imaginary enemies, and drawing strength from prejudices and misconceptions of groups, about themselves and others. This process of identity creation also shaped the identity of the “ideal” Assamese man in the recent socio-political history of Assam. This article is an attempt to define how masculinity works in the cyber world by focusing attention on Assamese nationalistic masculinity which is based on the image of the “RealAssamese Man.” The “Real Assamese Man,” in turn, draws inspiration from a socio-cultural context which started with the creation of Assamese iconographies of masculinity which were later transformed and appropriated to serve the purpose of identity-politics.","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"23 1","pages":"177 - 193"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45407635","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-03-03DOI: 10.1177/14687968221078373
Grace Priddy, Zoe Doman, Emily Berry, Saleh Ahmed
Rohingya is one of the ethnic minority groups that has faced profound ethnic violence against them in their home country, Myanmar. Almost a million Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh and are currently living in extremely precarious conditions near the Myanmar–Bangladesh border. Despite the sufferings and oppressions of all Rohingya, women, in particular, have been victims of sexual violence. Using various information sources, this paper analyzes different dimensions of the gender-based violence that has endured in Myanmar for decades. This paper also highlights the health and wellness of Rohingya women, including impacts made during the COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, it provides a framework for reducing gender-based violence in the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh. Even though this paper focuses on the Rohingya crisis, insights are relevant to other contexts facing similar social, political, and humanitarian crises, particularly in the Global South.
{"title":"Gender-based violence in a complex humanitarian context: Unpacking the human sufferings among stateless Rohingya women","authors":"Grace Priddy, Zoe Doman, Emily Berry, Saleh Ahmed","doi":"10.1177/14687968221078373","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968221078373","url":null,"abstract":"Rohingya is one of the ethnic minority groups that has faced profound ethnic violence against them in their home country, Myanmar. Almost a million Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh and are currently living in extremely precarious conditions near the Myanmar–Bangladesh border. Despite the sufferings and oppressions of all Rohingya, women, in particular, have been victims of sexual violence. Using various information sources, this paper analyzes different dimensions of the gender-based violence that has endured in Myanmar for decades. This paper also highlights the health and wellness of Rohingya women, including impacts made during the COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, it provides a framework for reducing gender-based violence in the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh. Even though this paper focuses on the Rohingya crisis, insights are relevant to other contexts facing similar social, political, and humanitarian crises, particularly in the Global South.","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"22 1","pages":"215 - 232"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-03-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42620859","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-17DOI: 10.1177/14687968211062671
A. Bell
White fragility, a common response of white people to calls to engage in conversations about racism and address their complicity with it, has received considerable scholarly attention. Much less attention has been given to the antidote: white stamina. This paper explores the development of stamina in the journey of ‘recovery’ from racism of one white settler individual who has become a public figure in Aotearoa New Zealand, in part through his declaration that he is a ‘recovering racist’. Significantly, the racism at the heart of this person’s story was directed towards indigenous, Māori New Zealanders; racism and settler colonialism are intertwined in this case. Consequently, the paper also responds to Lawrence and Dua’s (2005) call to ‘decolonise antiracism’ by foregrounding the indigenous–settler relationship in the analysis of racism within a settler society. The paper teases out overlaps and differences between white racism and settler colonialism, and between white stamina and settler stamina. Finally, I argue that there may be things for antiracists to learn from struggles to decolonise settler colonialism. Most significantly, this analysis points to the importance and power of the existence of an aspirational positive identity and position for ‘recovering racists’.
{"title":"Building stamina, fighting fragility: The account of a white settler ‘recovering racist’","authors":"A. Bell","doi":"10.1177/14687968211062671","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968211062671","url":null,"abstract":"White fragility, a common response of white people to calls to engage in conversations about racism and address their complicity with it, has received considerable scholarly attention. Much less attention has been given to the antidote: white stamina. This paper explores the development of stamina in the journey of ‘recovery’ from racism of one white settler individual who has become a public figure in Aotearoa New Zealand, in part through his declaration that he is a ‘recovering racist’. Significantly, the racism at the heart of this person’s story was directed towards indigenous, Māori New Zealanders; racism and settler colonialism are intertwined in this case. Consequently, the paper also responds to Lawrence and Dua’s (2005) call to ‘decolonise antiracism’ by foregrounding the indigenous–settler relationship in the analysis of racism within a settler society. The paper teases out overlaps and differences between white racism and settler colonialism, and between white stamina and settler stamina. Finally, I argue that there may be things for antiracists to learn from struggles to decolonise settler colonialism. Most significantly, this analysis points to the importance and power of the existence of an aspirational positive identity and position for ‘recovering racists’.","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"22 1","pages":"685 - 704"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-02-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49430054","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-02DOI: 10.1177/14687968211062655
F. Hancock, Pania Newton
This paper explores how the Indigenous-led, community-supported campaign #ProtectIhumātao became a site for decolonisation work that nourished productive bicultural relations. For six years, we worked together, alongside others, to stop a transnational corporation building houses on culturally significant, but contested, whenua (land) at Ihumātao, Auckland. Pania draws strength from her Indigenous Māori whakapapa (ancestral relations), and Frances from being a New Zealander of Irish descent. Committing ourselves to the campaign kaupapa (values, principles and plans), we embraced different roles: Pania as a kaitiaki or land protector and Frances as a hoa tū tata or close friend, standing by, ready to assist. Along the way, we became our own whānau (extended family); a kaupapa-based whānau (people mobilised for a shared purpose). Here, we share knowledge from our campaign experiences to explore what becoming whānau means to us in relation to Ihumātao. Thinking and writing at the interface of Māori and Pākehā ways of knowing, we interact with ideas from Māori philosophy and Indigenous–Settler relations. Through telling our stories, we illuminate relational qualities that made our different roles and evolving relationship possible, and glean insights to inform ongoing Indigenous-led, decolonising practices at Ihumātao, and elsewhere.
{"title":"Becoming whānau: Māori and Pākehā working together on the Indigenous-led campaign, #ProtectIhumātao","authors":"F. Hancock, Pania Newton","doi":"10.1177/14687968211062655","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968211062655","url":null,"abstract":"This paper explores how the Indigenous-led, community-supported campaign #ProtectIhumātao became a site for decolonisation work that nourished productive bicultural relations. For six years, we worked together, alongside others, to stop a transnational corporation building houses on culturally significant, but contested, whenua (land) at Ihumātao, Auckland. Pania draws strength from her Indigenous Māori whakapapa (ancestral relations), and Frances from being a New Zealander of Irish descent. Committing ourselves to the campaign kaupapa (values, principles and plans), we embraced different roles: Pania as a kaitiaki or land protector and Frances as a hoa tū tata or close friend, standing by, ready to assist. Along the way, we became our own whānau (extended family); a kaupapa-based whānau (people mobilised for a shared purpose). Here, we share knowledge from our campaign experiences to explore what becoming whānau means to us in relation to Ihumātao. Thinking and writing at the interface of Māori and Pākehā ways of knowing, we interact with ideas from Māori philosophy and Indigenous–Settler relations. Through telling our stories, we illuminate relational qualities that made our different roles and evolving relationship possible, and glean insights to inform ongoing Indigenous-led, decolonising practices at Ihumātao, and elsewhere.","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"22 1","pages":"642 - 662"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45863625","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1177/14687968211062916
Carisa R. Showden, K. Nairn, K. R. Matthews
In Aotearoa New Zealand, social and ethical responsibilities to work towards decolonization are shaped by the principles set out in legislation aimed at honouring Te Tiriti o Waitangi (The Treaty of Waitangi). Our study with young settler activists in Aotearoa working on a range of social issues aimed to find out how these activists thought about and worked toward enacting these responsibilities. We found that most settler activists were hesitant to speak on behalf of Māori or in ways that centre Indigenous needs and experiences because they felt unsure of how to do so in a respectful way. Many settler activists suggested they met their decolonizing responsibilities if they included Māori members in their group or collaborated with Māori groups, but others put forth additional strategies. Overall, though, activists’ sense of ‘taking responsibility’ seemed to depend on Māori guidance and, if none was available, settler activists were often paralyzed. Yet Māori are not always able or willing to guide the process; still settlers must act. This imperative is our stepping off point to explore settler activists’ articulations of their responsibilities. Based on our participants’ fluid and complex thinking about and doing decolonizing work, we propose a ‘continuum of engagement’ to explore what creates possibilities for settler activists to take responsibility and action in ways that work toward decolonization but are not dependent on Māori to guide every step.
{"title":"‘So people wake up, what are we gonna do?': From paralysis to action in decolonizing activism","authors":"Carisa R. Showden, K. Nairn, K. R. Matthews","doi":"10.1177/14687968211062916","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968211062916","url":null,"abstract":"In Aotearoa New Zealand, social and ethical responsibilities to work towards decolonization are shaped by the principles set out in legislation aimed at honouring Te Tiriti o Waitangi (The Treaty of Waitangi). Our study with young settler activists in Aotearoa working on a range of social issues aimed to find out how these activists thought about and worked toward enacting these responsibilities. We found that most settler activists were hesitant to speak on behalf of Māori or in ways that centre Indigenous needs and experiences because they felt unsure of how to do so in a respectful way. Many settler activists suggested they met their decolonizing responsibilities if they included Māori members in their group or collaborated with Māori groups, but others put forth additional strategies. Overall, though, activists’ sense of ‘taking responsibility’ seemed to depend on Māori guidance and, if none was available, settler activists were often paralyzed. Yet Māori are not always able or willing to guide the process; still settlers must act. This imperative is our stepping off point to explore settler activists’ articulations of their responsibilities. Based on our participants’ fluid and complex thinking about and doing decolonizing work, we propose a ‘continuum of engagement’ to explore what creates possibilities for settler activists to take responsibility and action in ways that work toward decolonization but are not dependent on Māori to guide every step.","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"3 2","pages":"663 - 684"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41296101","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-02-01DOI: 10.1177/14687968211058014
A. Camenisch
Drawing on ethnographic research, this article explores the multifaceted, situational and shifting social boundaries in the translocational positionalities of middle-class Swiss migrants in China. The analysis unpacks the central role of whiteness and Western ethnicity under the ‘Chinese gaze’, intersected by nationality. However, while they are marked by continuities of white privilege, the resulting racialised positionalities of the foreign white ‘others’ are characterised by a simultaneous elevation and subjugation, equally shaped by a ‘Chinese ascendancy’. European migrants’ self-positionings meander between this ambiguous ‘outsiderness’ and a propensity for integration as they navigate the multifaceted middle positions they occupy. Contextualising the findings in research on white migration movements from the West, the conclusion suggests that the class-based notion of middling migration should be refined by including economic, social and cultural ways of being ‘of the middle’.
{"title":"Middling whiteness: The shifting positionalities of Europeans in China","authors":"A. Camenisch","doi":"10.1177/14687968211058014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968211058014","url":null,"abstract":"Drawing on ethnographic research, this article explores the multifaceted, situational and shifting social boundaries in the translocational positionalities of middle-class Swiss migrants in China. The analysis unpacks the central role of whiteness and Western ethnicity under the ‘Chinese gaze’, intersected by nationality. However, while they are marked by continuities of white privilege, the resulting racialised positionalities of the foreign white ‘others’ are characterised by a simultaneous elevation and subjugation, equally shaped by a ‘Chinese ascendancy’. European migrants’ self-positionings meander between this ambiguous ‘outsiderness’ and a propensity for integration as they navigate the multifaceted middle positions they occupy. Contextualising the findings in research on white migration movements from the West, the conclusion suggests that the class-based notion of middling migration should be refined by including economic, social and cultural ways of being ‘of the middle’.","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"22 1","pages":"128 - 145"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46821276","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-27DOI: 10.1177/14687968211069376
B. Bertolani, Paolo Boccagni
Migrants’ home, as a notion and a set of related experiences and locations across countries, is subject to an increasing research interest. Little of this, however, has looked at their ways to circulate and emplace religion, through portable beliefs, artifacts, and practices, as a form of home-making. Likewise, little of the debate on home and migration has explored the home, not just in terms of housing conditions or material cultures, but as an infrastructure for migrants to reproduce their collective identities through religion. We contribute to fill these research voids with a case study of “domestic religion” among Sikh immigrant families in Northern Italy. We specifically analyze the religious practices whereby some migrants, building on certain objects and ways to use the domestic space, turn ordinary dwellings into meaningful homes. Their ways to “sacralize” the home through temporary or permanent infrastructures of religiosity illuminate changing uses and meanings of home. Moreover, they reveal the critical interdependence between the home and the public and diasporic spheres of religion. This opens up a potentially very rich field for research on the lived experience of domestic space, showing how religion (re)shapes the home, and the home (re)shapes religion, across immigrant groups, and life course positions.
{"title":"Domestic religion and the migrant home: The private, the diasporic and the public in the sacralization of Sikh dwellings in Italy","authors":"B. Bertolani, Paolo Boccagni","doi":"10.1177/14687968211069376","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/14687968211069376","url":null,"abstract":"Migrants’ home, as a notion and a set of related experiences and locations across countries, is subject to an increasing research interest. Little of this, however, has looked at their ways to circulate and emplace religion, through portable beliefs, artifacts, and practices, as a form of home-making. Likewise, little of the debate on home and migration has explored the home, not just in terms of housing conditions or material cultures, but as an infrastructure for migrants to reproduce their collective identities through religion. We contribute to fill these research voids with a case study of “domestic religion” among Sikh immigrant families in Northern Italy. We specifically analyze the religious practices whereby some migrants, building on certain objects and ways to use the domestic space, turn ordinary dwellings into meaningful homes. Their ways to “sacralize” the home through temporary or permanent infrastructures of religiosity illuminate changing uses and meanings of home. Moreover, they reveal the critical interdependence between the home and the public and diasporic spheres of religion. This opens up a potentially very rich field for research on the lived experience of domestic space, showing how religion (re)shapes the home, and the home (re)shapes religion, across immigrant groups, and life course positions.","PeriodicalId":47512,"journal":{"name":"Ethnicities","volume":"23 1","pages":"284 - 305"},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-01-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47060214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：