Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2282328
Chong Liu
{"title":"Chairman Mao’s Children. Generation and the Politics of Memory in China","authors":"Chong Liu","doi":"10.1080/09668136.2023.2282328","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2282328","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47775,"journal":{"name":"Europe-Asia Studies","volume":"2 1","pages":"1793 - 1795"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139235247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2282335
Ran Yan
{"title":"Class and the Communist Party of China, 1921–1978. Revolution and Social Change","authors":"Ran Yan","doi":"10.1080/09668136.2023.2282335","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2282335","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47775,"journal":{"name":"Europe-Asia Studies","volume":"13 1","pages":"1795 - 1796"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139236109","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2282297
Monika Karolina Godecka
{"title":"Central Europe Thirty Years After the Fall of Communism. A Return to the Margin?","authors":"Monika Karolina Godecka","doi":"10.1080/09668136.2023.2282297","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2282297","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47775,"journal":{"name":"Europe-Asia Studies","volume":"14 1","pages":"1780 - 1782"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139234862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-26DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2282327
Mariia Kobzeva
{"title":"China in the New Era: Interviews with Politicians and Academics from the Former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe","authors":"Mariia Kobzeva","doi":"10.1080/09668136.2023.2282327","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2282327","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47775,"journal":{"name":"Europe-Asia Studies","volume":"6 1","pages":"1796 - 1797"},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-11-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139235408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-21DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2277138
Andrew Buck
This article analyses letters sent by Soviet citizens to newspapers and authorities during the Brezhnev era, supposedly a period of political stagnation. Citizens wrote critical letters, individual...
{"title":"Critical Letter Writing and Deliberation During the Brezhnev Era","authors":"Andrew Buck","doi":"10.1080/09668136.2023.2277138","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2277138","url":null,"abstract":"This article analyses letters sent by Soviet citizens to newspapers and authorities during the Brezhnev era, supposedly a period of political stagnation. Citizens wrote critical letters, individual...","PeriodicalId":47775,"journal":{"name":"Europe-Asia Studies","volume":"77 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138533448","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-21DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2276677
Maria Papageorgiou, Alena Vysotskaya Guedes Vieira
The Sino–Russian relationship is of fundamental importance to the global order. Following the question of how this relationship has developed over time—whether it has strengthened, weakened or rema...
{"title":"Assessing the Changing Sino–Russian Relationship: A Longitudinal Analysis of Bilateral Cooperation in the Post-Cold War Period","authors":"Maria Papageorgiou, Alena Vysotskaya Guedes Vieira","doi":"10.1080/09668136.2023.2276677","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2276677","url":null,"abstract":"The Sino–Russian relationship is of fundamental importance to the global order. Following the question of how this relationship has developed over time—whether it has strengthened, weakened or rema...","PeriodicalId":47775,"journal":{"name":"Europe-Asia Studies","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138533431","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-15DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2275524
Teodor Lucian Moga, Nadiia Bureiko, Alexandra Gheorghiu, Bogdan-Constantin Ibănescu
This study seeks to invigorate research on state power and influence by focusing on external perceptions. To this end, we quantitatively operationalised a refined theoretical model indicating the p...
{"title":"Testing a Six-Factor Model on Perceived State Power and Influence: The Case of Romania","authors":"Teodor Lucian Moga, Nadiia Bureiko, Alexandra Gheorghiu, Bogdan-Constantin Ibănescu","doi":"10.1080/09668136.2023.2275524","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2275524","url":null,"abstract":"This study seeks to invigorate research on state power and influence by focusing on external perceptions. To this end, we quantitatively operationalised a refined theoretical model indicating the p...","PeriodicalId":47775,"journal":{"name":"Europe-Asia Studies","volume":"220 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.4,"publicationDate":"2023-11-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"138507029","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-09DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2272584
Matthias Battis
This article argues that nationalities policy under Lenin and Stalin, its commitment to territorial autonomy notwithstanding, effectively put into practice the Austro-Marxist vision of a socialist multinational state and party that patronised national culture to assuage separatist tendencies. Highlighting the ideological common ground between Habsburg remedies for imperial disintegration along national lines and Soviet policies for imperial integration along the same lines, it argues that the Bolsheviks’ Marxist premise of promoting national diversity and culture to defuse nationalism was prefigured and informed by the Austro-Marxist premise of making national cultural autonomy the hallmark rather than the antithesis of socialism.
{"title":"On Common Ground: Soviet Nationalities Policy and the Austro-Marxist Premise","authors":"Matthias Battis","doi":"10.1080/09668136.2023.2272584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2272584","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that nationalities policy under Lenin and Stalin, its commitment to territorial autonomy notwithstanding, effectively put into practice the Austro-Marxist vision of a socialist multinational state and party that patronised national culture to assuage separatist tendencies. Highlighting the ideological common ground between Habsburg remedies for imperial disintegration along national lines and Soviet policies for imperial integration along the same lines, it argues that the Bolsheviks’ Marxist premise of promoting national diversity and culture to defuse nationalism was prefigured and informed by the Austro-Marxist premise of making national cultural autonomy the hallmark rather than the antithesis of socialism.","PeriodicalId":47775,"journal":{"name":"Europe-Asia Studies","volume":" 14","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135240766","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-06DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2267808
Olga Isupova
AbstractThe essay examines changes in the conceptualisation and practice of motherhood in Russia from the 1990s up to the 2020s. From the 1990s, a mother’s obligations towards a child rose sharply in comparison to the Soviet era. Motherhood has become individualised and isolating, while expectations of maternal work have intensified. In the relatively affluent 2000s, a Western model of ‘intensive mothering’ became popular among women who could afford not to work, but this dropped out of favour in the more straitened 2010s, as women were forced to return to work. However, by this point, right-wing ideologists were promoting ‘traditional values’, according to which women’s role was primarily caring for others. This research demonstrates, drawing on a special interest motherhood group, #Shchastyematerinstva, on the Russian social media website VKontakte, that motherhood is now, for many Russian women, a heavy and unwelcome burden. AcknowledgementsThe research for this essay was conducted when the author was based at the Institute of Demography, Higher School of Economics, Moscow.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 According to Johnson et al. (Citation2021) there are several different forces within the contemporary Russian conservative wing, ranging from extreme conservative nationalists who believe that child-bearing and rearing are the natural destiny of women, who should not have to do paid work, to centrists who, like Vladimir Putin himself, prefer the Soviet model of a strong mother who combines hard work with obligatory motherhood.2 This arrangement was named the working mother Soviet gender contract, often also known as the ‘double burden’ by Temkina and Rotkirch (Citation2002).3 A symbolic representation of a heroic mother of heroic sons based on a war propaganda poster ‘The Motherland Is Calling You!’, addressed to soldiers, available at: https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Родина-мать_зовёт!, accessed 3 October 2023.4 Federal’nyi zakon № 256-FZ ot 29 dekabrya 2006 ‘O dopolnitel’nykh merakh gosudarstvennoi podderzhki semei s det’mi’, available at: http://www.kremlin.ru/acts/bank/24820, accessed 2 February 2023.5 R250,000 in 2007, gradually increased in line with inflation to R639,432 in 2021.6 R483,882 for the first child and R155,550 for the second.7 For example, Matza (Citation2018).8 See Biryukova and Makarentseva (Citation2017).9 Orna Donath has studied situations of women who deeply regret that they became mothers even if this had happened in a socially and economically favourable situation.10 #Shchastyematerinstva, available at: https://vk.com/zaiki_luzhaiki, accessed 10 February 2023.11 ‘Mama, it’s Hard for the Kids of Unhappy Parents To Be Happy, You Know?’, Livejournal blog ‘Ya-yasna-ya’, 18 July 2015, available at: https://ya-yasna-ya.livejournal.com/251663.html, accessed 2 February 2023.12 #Shchastyematerinstva, VKontakte, 27 June 2020, available at: https://vk.com/wall-98382141_140
{"title":"Learning, Performance, Fatigue and Regret: Tales of Motherhood on Russian Social Media in the 2010s–2020s","authors":"Olga Isupova","doi":"10.1080/09668136.2023.2267808","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2023.2267808","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThe essay examines changes in the conceptualisation and practice of motherhood in Russia from the 1990s up to the 2020s. From the 1990s, a mother’s obligations towards a child rose sharply in comparison to the Soviet era. Motherhood has become individualised and isolating, while expectations of maternal work have intensified. In the relatively affluent 2000s, a Western model of ‘intensive mothering’ became popular among women who could afford not to work, but this dropped out of favour in the more straitened 2010s, as women were forced to return to work. However, by this point, right-wing ideologists were promoting ‘traditional values’, according to which women’s role was primarily caring for others. This research demonstrates, drawing on a special interest motherhood group, #Shchastyematerinstva, on the Russian social media website VKontakte, that motherhood is now, for many Russian women, a heavy and unwelcome burden. AcknowledgementsThe research for this essay was conducted when the author was based at the Institute of Demography, Higher School of Economics, Moscow.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 According to Johnson et al. (Citation2021) there are several different forces within the contemporary Russian conservative wing, ranging from extreme conservative nationalists who believe that child-bearing and rearing are the natural destiny of women, who should not have to do paid work, to centrists who, like Vladimir Putin himself, prefer the Soviet model of a strong mother who combines hard work with obligatory motherhood.2 This arrangement was named the working mother Soviet gender contract, often also known as the ‘double burden’ by Temkina and Rotkirch (Citation2002).3 A symbolic representation of a heroic mother of heroic sons based on a war propaganda poster ‘The Motherland Is Calling You!’, addressed to soldiers, available at: https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/Родина-мать_зовёт!, accessed 3 October 2023.4 Federal’nyi zakon № 256-FZ ot 29 dekabrya 2006 ‘O dopolnitel’nykh merakh gosudarstvennoi podderzhki semei s det’mi’, available at: http://www.kremlin.ru/acts/bank/24820, accessed 2 February 2023.5 R250,000 in 2007, gradually increased in line with inflation to R639,432 in 2021.6 R483,882 for the first child and R155,550 for the second.7 For example, Matza (Citation2018).8 See Biryukova and Makarentseva (Citation2017).9 Orna Donath has studied situations of women who deeply regret that they became mothers even if this had happened in a socially and economically favourable situation.10 #Shchastyematerinstva, available at: https://vk.com/zaiki_luzhaiki, accessed 10 February 2023.11 ‘Mama, it’s Hard for the Kids of Unhappy Parents To Be Happy, You Know?’, Livejournal blog ‘Ya-yasna-ya’, 18 July 2015, available at: https://ya-yasna-ya.livejournal.com/251663.html, accessed 2 February 2023.12 #Shchastyematerinstva, VKontakte, 27 June 2020, available at: https://vk.com/wall-98382141_140","PeriodicalId":47775,"journal":{"name":"Europe-Asia Studies","volume":"18 10","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135634328","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-02DOI: 10.1080/09668136.2023.2267196
Laura Luciani
AbstractIn a context of legal and political repression, wherein even EU funding came to be politicised, Azerbaijan’s civic space has been shrinking. This article problematises EU engagement with civil society in the neighbourhood by examining its on-the-ground negotiation in a complex field of visibility. It argues that human rights groups in Azerbaijan strategically activate selective in/visibilities to navigate the competing understandings of civil society's role mobilised by the European Union and the authoritarian state. While EU support deepens the dichotomy of independent versus government-organised civil society, the emergence of new subject positions beyond the NGO realm prefigures a critique of neoliberal donor–recipient ties. I am grateful to the human rights defenders, activists and experts who contributed to this research with their time and knowledge. I thank the two anonymous reviewers, Fabienne Bossuyt, the members of my Doctoral Advisory Committee, Eske van Gils, Karolina Kluczewska and Sofie Bedford for their valuable comments. Earlier drafts of this article were presented at the panel ‘Civil Society in the Post-socialist Region: Decentring Experiences and Practices’ of the Annual Tartu Conference in June 2021 and at the 2022 Annual World Convention of the Association for the Study of Nationalities (ASN), where it received the Doctoral Student Paper award for the Caucasus section. This work was supported by the Special Research Fund (Bijzonder Onderzoeksfonds UGent) [grant number BOF.STG.2018.0006.01].Disclosure statement:No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Amendments to the Law on NGOs, the Law on State Registration and the Law on Grants adopted between late 2013 and 2015 stipulate that donors operating in Azerbaijan have to register with the Ministry of Justice and apply for permission to be a grant-maker for a specific period of time. Each individual grant has to be registered and approved by the authorities before the beneficiary organisation can spend it. Non-registered organisations cannot be considered as grant recipients. Despite amendments brought in during 2017 to simplify these time-consuming and complex procedures, most of the influential foreign NGOs and donor institutions have left the country and the amount of aid has fallen. Fines for not complying with the law have significantly increased (Human Rights Watch Citation2016; Ismayil & Remezaite Citation2016).2 See also O’Dowd and Dimitrovova (Citation2011).3 Shirinov includes ‘independent civil society organisations’ as one of the groups constituting the political opposition in Azerbaijan, next to political parties and ‘loosely connected groups of individuals … engaged in a critical deliberation of the political realm’ (Shirinov Citation2015a, p. 172). These three categories can ‘fuse from time to time into larger societal blocks—for instance prior to elections—and challenge the government’ (Shirinov Citation2015a, p. 172).4 Due to
在法律和政治压制的背景下，甚至欧盟的资助都被政治化了，阿塞拜疆的公民空间一直在缩小。本文通过考察欧盟在一个复杂的可见领域的实地谈判，对欧盟与邻国公民社会的接触提出了质疑。文章认为，阿塞拜疆的人权组织战略性地激活了选择性的能见度，以引导欧盟和威权国家对公民社会角色的相互矛盾的理解。虽然欧盟的支持加深了独立与政府组织的公民社会的二分法，但超越非政府组织领域的新主体地位的出现预示着对新自由主义捐赠者-接受者关系的批评。我感谢人权维护者、活动人士和专家，他们用自己的时间和知识为这项研究做出了贡献。我感谢两位匿名审稿人Fabienne Bossuyt、我的博士顾问委员会成员Eske van Gils、Karolina Kluczewska和sophie Bedford的宝贵意见。这篇文章的早期草稿在2021年6月塔尔图年度会议的“后社会主义地区的公民社会:分散的经验和实践”小组和2022年民族研究协会(ASN)年度世界大会上发表，并获得了高加索部分的博士生论文奖。本工作由国家专项研究基金(Bijzonder Onderzoeksfonds UGent)资助[批准号BOF.STG.2018.0006.01]。披露声明:作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1 2013年底至2015年期间通过的《非政府组织法》、《国家登记法》和《赠款法》修正案规定，在阿塞拜疆开展业务的捐助者必须向司法部登记，并申请在特定时期内成为赠款人的许可。每笔赠款都必须经过当局的登记和批准，然后受益人组织才能使用它。非注册机构不能被视为获资助机构。尽管2017年进行了修订，简化了这些耗时且复杂的程序，但大多数有影响力的外国非政府组织和捐助机构已离开该国，援助金额也有所下降。不遵守法律的罚款大幅增加(人权观察引用2016;Ismayil & Remezaite Citation2016) 2参见O 'Dowd and Dimitrovova (Citation2011)Shirinov将“独立的公民社会组织”作为构成阿塞拜疆政治反对派的团体之一，与政党和“松散联系的个人团体……参与政治领域的批判性审议”(Shirinov Citation2015a, p. 172)。这三个类别可以“不时地融合成更大的社会群体——例如在选举之前——并挑战政府”(Shirinov Citation2015a, p. 172)由于威权主义的根深蒂固，与乌克兰和格鲁吉亚等更“有前途”的国家相比，欧盟对阿塞拜疆公民社会的财政支持仍然有限(Aliyev Citation2015，第49页)7 .阿塞拜疆的非政府组织法并不直接模仿俄罗斯的《外国代理人法》，尽管它们在针对-à-vis外国资助的非政府组织并产生不信任方面有着相同的基本原理(Levine Citation2016)2013年，阿塞拜疆要求将自2010年以来一直在谈判的联盟协议替换为“更轻的”战略伙伴关系协议(Delcour & Wolczuk Citation2021)。两年后，由于对欧盟“点名羞辱”阿塞拜疆侵犯人权的不满，巴库退出欧洲议会大会，该国暂时停止参与欧盟-阿塞拜疆议会合作委员会，并质疑其参与欧亚经济伙伴关系因蒂甘·阿利耶夫的法律教育协会向面临政治动机指控的边缘群体、大众媒体组织和非政府组织提供免费法律援助。2014年，阿利耶夫被判处七年半监禁，2016年被总统赦免，尽管他继续面临旅行限制EaP CSF成立于2009年，是欧盟资助的一个平台，旨在促进和加强民间社会在促进欧洲一体化方面的参与。《公民社会走向沉默》，梅丹电视台，2014年8月14日，网址:https://www.meydan.tv/en/article/civil-society-on-the-path-to-silence/， 2022.2月1日访问。2019年1月，数千人举行抗议活动，要求释放反腐博客作者Mehman Huseynov。 采访AZ6，记者和人权活动家，电子邮件，2021年2月11日;访谈AZ5，人权律师在线访谈AZ5，人权律师在线访谈AZ5，人权律师在线访谈AZ5，人权律师在线访谈AZ5，人权律师在线访谈AZ5, 2021年2月5日;采访EUP2，布鲁塞尔，20121.65年6月10日，采访卡姆兰，青年活动家，在线，20121.66年4月13日，采访AZ3，巴库人权律师，在线，20119.67年9月15日，采访阿祖，青年倡议成员，在线，20121.17年3月68日，采访蕾拉，女权活动家，巴库，20119.69年9月15日，采访AZ3，巴库人权律师，在线，20119.70年9月15日，采访AZ5，人权律师，在线，20121.71年2月5日，采访Akif，生态活动家，在线，对生态活动家Akif的采访，在线，2021.73年3月31日对青年活动家Kamran的采访，在线，2021.75年4月13日由于保密问题和道德考虑，不可能深入研究ed资助的项目。然而，分析揭示了对其在该国的作用和合法性的分歧谈判。作者简介:laura Luciani，根特大学政治学系根特国际与欧洲研究所博士后研究员，比利时根特st - pietersnieuwstraat 41,9000。
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