Pub Date : 2023-10-13DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2260314
Julia Rone, Maik Fielitz
ABSTRACTIn 2018, the UN Global Compact for Migration (GCM) was signed by a majority of countries. The GCM was the first intergovernmentally negotiated agreement, prepared under the auspices of the United Nations, to cover all dimensions of international migration in a holistic and comprehensive manner. Seventeen countries, among them Italy, Austria, Hungary and Poland, abstained or voted against this non-binding agreement as they feared interference in their national sovereignty. The polarising potential of the GCM, that supposedly sets global regulations against national policies, has been fuelled by far-right actors throughout Europe. Framing the decision on the GCM as a referendum against the allegedly liberal governance of migration in the European Union, movements and parties launched a multi-faceted campaign that generated protest and spurred advocacy networks transnationally. In this paper, we analyse the extent to which the campaign against the GCM influenced foreign policy in the narrow sense of countries signing or not signing the pact (short-term impact), but also in terms of discourse and policy on immigration (long-term impact), more broadly. We explore the relative role of campaigning against the GCM by contrasting four country cases – Austria, Belgium, Germany, and Italy, each of which had different governmental constellations and previous extra-parliamentary mobilisation on migration. Our work offers a first in-depth comparative study of this key campaign that has otherwise remained understudied in the field of protest, media and extremism studies. By providing a comparative analysis of the same campaign in four European countries, we aim to offer important insights on how the far right is attempting to impact decision making in foreign policy contexts and what factors might explain its mobilisation and influence capacity. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung [13N16050].
{"title":"‘Stop the Pact‘! The Foreign Policy Impact of the Far-Right Campaigning Against the Global Compact for Migration","authors":"Julia Rone, Maik Fielitz","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2260314","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2260314","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn 2018, the UN Global Compact for Migration (GCM) was signed by a majority of countries. The GCM was the first intergovernmentally negotiated agreement, prepared under the auspices of the United Nations, to cover all dimensions of international migration in a holistic and comprehensive manner. Seventeen countries, among them Italy, Austria, Hungary and Poland, abstained or voted against this non-binding agreement as they feared interference in their national sovereignty. The polarising potential of the GCM, that supposedly sets global regulations against national policies, has been fuelled by far-right actors throughout Europe. Framing the decision on the GCM as a referendum against the allegedly liberal governance of migration in the European Union, movements and parties launched a multi-faceted campaign that generated protest and spurred advocacy networks transnationally. In this paper, we analyse the extent to which the campaign against the GCM influenced foreign policy in the narrow sense of countries signing or not signing the pact (short-term impact), but also in terms of discourse and policy on immigration (long-term impact), more broadly. We explore the relative role of campaigning against the GCM by contrasting four country cases – Austria, Belgium, Germany, and Italy, each of which had different governmental constellations and previous extra-parliamentary mobilisation on migration. Our work offers a first in-depth comparative study of this key campaign that has otherwise remained understudied in the field of protest, media and extremism studies. By providing a comparative analysis of the same campaign in four European countries, we aim to offer important insights on how the far right is attempting to impact decision making in foreign policy contexts and what factors might explain its mobilisation and influence capacity. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the Bundesministerium für Bildung und Forschung [13N16050].","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":"87 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135858789","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-11DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2260085
Anne-Line Rodriguez
Involuntary returns of migrants from North Africa and Europe to West Africa have recently multiplied as part of an increased use of both deportations and Voluntary Returns by European states. This article explores male migrants’ temporalities after homecoming to Senegal in a context where, according to European states and the IOM, their time is ‘up’ and they should ‘reintegrate’. After an unwanted return to Senegal, migrants are sometimes exhausted and can no longer imagine leaving again. However, despite the suffering experienced and the time lost, many display endurance and hope for a new departure. In this context, they are not waiting on states or families to move forward. I argue that, in persevering, returnees resist the temporality imposed on them by European states in order to solve another temporal struggle – that of entering male adulthood. Ultimately, these observations question the ‘effectiveness’ of Voluntary Return programs as part of externalisation policies.
{"title":"Endurance Lost and Found: Unwanted Return and the Suspension of Time","authors":"Anne-Line Rodriguez","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2260085","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2260085","url":null,"abstract":"Involuntary returns of migrants from North Africa and Europe to West Africa have recently multiplied as part of an increased use of both deportations and Voluntary Returns by European states. This article explores male migrants’ temporalities after homecoming to Senegal in a context where, according to European states and the IOM, their time is ‘up’ and they should ‘reintegrate’. After an unwanted return to Senegal, migrants are sometimes exhausted and can no longer imagine leaving again. However, despite the suffering experienced and the time lost, many display endurance and hope for a new departure. In this context, they are not waiting on states or families to move forward. I argue that, in persevering, returnees resist the temporality imposed on them by European states in order to solve another temporal struggle – that of entering male adulthood. Ultimately, these observations question the ‘effectiveness’ of Voluntary Return programs as part of externalisation policies.","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136209701","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2265321
Nicholas R. Micinski, Camille Lefebvre
ABSTRACTThe Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM) and the Global Compact on Refugees (GCM) were adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2018. After nearly five years, it is time for a critical reflection on the geopolitical interests that motivated the negotiations, agreements, and implementation. The purpose of this special issue was to critically examine how states used the Global Compacts to achieve their strategic interests using migration diplomacy. Each article attempts to question and problematise the assumptions, logics, and rhetoric put forward in the Global Compacts and resulting implementation by states and international organisations. The special issue also highlights the emerging norm of state responsibility for well-managed migration within the Global Compacts, and the notable silences around non-refoulement, internal displacement, and climate migration. The authors in this special issue worked to understand the gaps, hypocrisy, and contradictions in the implementation, now five years after the adoption of the Global Compacts. This introduction article lays out the driving questions for the special issue, along with our main themes, concepts, and contributions. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. SDG target 10.7.2. China, ‘Statement of Ambassador Li Li, Leader of the Chinese Delegation and Chinese Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco’, Intergovernmental Conference to Adopt the Global Compact For Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, Marrakesh, 11 December 2018, https://www.un.org/en/conf/migration/assets/pdf/GCM-Sta tements/china.pdf.
《安全、有序和正常移民全球契约》(GCM)和《难民问题全球契约》(GCM)于2018年获得联合国大会通过。经过近五年的时间，现在是时候对推动谈判、协议和实施的地缘政治利益进行批判性反思了。本期特刊的目的是批判性地审视各国如何利用《全球契约》通过移民外交实现其战略利益。每篇文章都试图质疑和质疑全球契约中提出的假设、逻辑和修辞，以及由此产生的国家和国际组织的实施。本期特刊还强调了在《全球契约》框架下，国家对妥善管理移民负责的新规范，以及在不驱回、国内流离失所和气候移民问题上明显的沉默。本期特刊的作者努力了解全球契约在实施五年后的今天所存在的差距、虚伪和矛盾。这篇介绍性文章列出了本期特刊的主要问题，以及我们的主题、概念和贡献。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。可持续发展目标10.7.2。中国，“中国代表团团长、中国驻摩洛哥王国大使李力大使的发言”，通过《安全、有序和正常移民全球契约》政府间会议，马拉喀什，2018年12月11日，https://www.un.org/en/conf/migration/assets/pdf/GCM-Sta tements/ China .pdf。
{"title":"The Geopolitics in the Global Compacts: Sovereignty, Emerging Norms, and Hypocrisy in Global Migration Governance","authors":"Nicholas R. Micinski, Camille Lefebvre","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2265321","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2265321","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTThe Global Compact for Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration (GCM) and the Global Compact on Refugees (GCM) were adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2018. After nearly five years, it is time for a critical reflection on the geopolitical interests that motivated the negotiations, agreements, and implementation. The purpose of this special issue was to critically examine how states used the Global Compacts to achieve their strategic interests using migration diplomacy. Each article attempts to question and problematise the assumptions, logics, and rhetoric put forward in the Global Compacts and resulting implementation by states and international organisations. The special issue also highlights the emerging norm of state responsibility for well-managed migration within the Global Compacts, and the notable silences around non-refoulement, internal displacement, and climate migration. The authors in this special issue worked to understand the gaps, hypocrisy, and contradictions in the implementation, now five years after the adoption of the Global Compacts. This introduction article lays out the driving questions for the special issue, along with our main themes, concepts, and contributions. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1. SDG target 10.7.2. China, ‘Statement of Ambassador Li Li, Leader of the Chinese Delegation and Chinese Ambassador to the Kingdom of Morocco’, Intergovernmental Conference to Adopt the Global Compact For Safe, Orderly and Regular Migration, Marrakesh, 11 December 2018, https://www.un.org/en/conf/migration/assets/pdf/GCM-Sta tements/china.pdf.","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":"23 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135093973","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2265315
Annika Björkdahl, Johanna Mannergren Selimovic
The relation between gender, silence, place and space is theorised in this article through an analysis of the former rape camp Vilina Vlas in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Combining a spatial perspective with narrative analysis, we dissect spatial practices and narrative silences that shape and reshape a particular place defined by gendered violence. We suggest that ‘places of pain’ and ‘spaces of silence’ are co-constituted through a lack of acknowledgement and spatial erasures, as well as the making and breaking of silences. Our investigation discloses how places of gendered violence are hidden, transformed and forgotten and how women exposing them are silenced and rejected, yet still continue to resist and speak out. The article sheds light on the long-term consequences of gendered violence in war and contributes to the growing research agenda on gendered geographies of violence.
{"title":"Places of Pain and Spaces of Silence: Re-Visiting a Bosnian Rape Camp","authors":"Annika Björkdahl, Johanna Mannergren Selimovic","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2265315","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2265315","url":null,"abstract":"The relation between gender, silence, place and space is theorised in this article through an analysis of the former rape camp Vilina Vlas in Bosnia and Herzegovina. Combining a spatial perspective with narrative analysis, we dissect spatial practices and narrative silences that shape and reshape a particular place defined by gendered violence. We suggest that ‘places of pain’ and ‘spaces of silence’ are co-constituted through a lack of acknowledgement and spatial erasures, as well as the making and breaking of silences. Our investigation discloses how places of gendered violence are hidden, transformed and forgotten and how women exposing them are silenced and rejected, yet still continue to resist and speak out. The article sheds light on the long-term consequences of gendered violence in war and contributes to the growing research agenda on gendered geographies of violence.","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":"85 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135094253","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-09DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2265308
Francesco Ventura, Jacopo Custodi
ABSTRACTIn today’s globalised era, the limitations of the nation-state model are increasingly apparent. This model often demands homogeneity, leading to identity conflicts and separatist demands by national minorities. However, national and cultural identities remain politically relevant, making post-national ambitions difficult to achieve. To address this problem, we compare the thoughts of Otto Bauer and Abdullah Öcalan, who both emphasise overcoming the limits of the nation-state without dismissing national and cultural identities. Öcalan’s ideas prioritise autonomy and multiplicity, while Bauer’s contribution is based on a deterritorialised notion of national identity. As we argue in this article, the two authors share interesting points of convergence that have been understudied in academia. What is more, this comparison provides valuable insights for understanding contemporary challenges and solutions to multinational societies and identity conflicts. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. Rojava means west and sunset in Kurmanji, a Kurdish dialect, and refers to the Western Kurdistan, in North-East of Syria. As a consequence of the civil war, which erupted in 2011 in the Arab country, the Kurds established the Autonomous Administration of North-East Syria, based on the principles of democratic confederalism.2. The survey included only the nationality of the respondent’s nation-state, thus excluding pride in minority nationalities, which would likely have pushed the value further up.3. In the original Turkish text, the words used to express ‘religious community’ are dinî cemaatin, literally meaning ‘religious congregation’. Nonetheless, we opted for keeping the official English translation made by the ‘International Initiative – Freedom for Öcalan’, despite an overuse of the term ‘community’ for all types of human groups may be misleading. We retain that the translators aimed at emphasising the role of community as a more bottom-up form of gathering and sense of belonging compared to the nation-state.4. Until 1991, Kurds were reported in official statistics as ‘mountain Turks’ (Sagnic Citation2010).Additional informationFundingThis research received no funds.
{"title":"Nationality Beyond the Nation-State? The Search for Autonomy in Abdullah Öcalan and Otto Bauer","authors":"Francesco Ventura, Jacopo Custodi","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2265308","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2265308","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACTIn today’s globalised era, the limitations of the nation-state model are increasingly apparent. This model often demands homogeneity, leading to identity conflicts and separatist demands by national minorities. However, national and cultural identities remain politically relevant, making post-national ambitions difficult to achieve. To address this problem, we compare the thoughts of Otto Bauer and Abdullah Öcalan, who both emphasise overcoming the limits of the nation-state without dismissing national and cultural identities. Öcalan’s ideas prioritise autonomy and multiplicity, while Bauer’s contribution is based on a deterritorialised notion of national identity. As we argue in this article, the two authors share interesting points of convergence that have been understudied in academia. What is more, this comparison provides valuable insights for understanding contemporary challenges and solutions to multinational societies and identity conflicts. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.Notes1. Rojava means west and sunset in Kurmanji, a Kurdish dialect, and refers to the Western Kurdistan, in North-East of Syria. As a consequence of the civil war, which erupted in 2011 in the Arab country, the Kurds established the Autonomous Administration of North-East Syria, based on the principles of democratic confederalism.2. The survey included only the nationality of the respondent’s nation-state, thus excluding pride in minority nationalities, which would likely have pushed the value further up.3. In the original Turkish text, the words used to express ‘religious community’ are dinî cemaatin, literally meaning ‘religious congregation’. Nonetheless, we opted for keeping the official English translation made by the ‘International Initiative – Freedom for Öcalan’, despite an overuse of the term ‘community’ for all types of human groups may be misleading. We retain that the translators aimed at emphasising the role of community as a more bottom-up form of gathering and sense of belonging compared to the nation-state.4. Until 1991, Kurds were reported in official statistics as ‘mountain Turks’ (Sagnic Citation2010).Additional informationFundingThis research received no funds.","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135094105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-11DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2243454
Hannes Černy
De facto states are widely seen as temporal anomalies of the international system, and, in state-centric literature in particular, as entities lacking ‘real’ sovereignty that are simply putting on a show, pretending to be something they are not in the hope that faking it may one day lead to international recognition. Critically engaging with recent literature on de facto states as well as debates on performativity/performance, this article rejects as misguided the dichotomous ontologies of fake versus real. Instead, I argue that the most prominent examples of de facto states, that possess both internal and arguably also a considerable degree of external sovereignty, demonstrate that statehood is not the linchpin of the international system it is made out to be. Drawing on Bergson and Deleuze, I suggest that the sovereignty – of de facto states and beyond – should be understood as virtuality, where past and present are contemporaneous, and where sovereignty as virtual may or may not be actualised in statehood, thus posing for discussion a novel framework that elegantly disentangles sovereignty and statehood. The analytical promise of such an approach, in conclusion, is illustrated in a brief discussion of Iraqi Kurdistan and Taiwan.
{"title":"Putting on a Show? The Sovereignty of De Facto States Between Performativity, Performance and Virtuality","authors":"Hannes Černy","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2243454","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2243454","url":null,"abstract":"De facto states are widely seen as temporal anomalies of the international system, and, in state-centric literature in particular, as entities lacking ‘real’ sovereignty that are simply putting on a show, pretending to be something they are not in the hope that faking it may one day lead to international recognition. Critically engaging with recent literature on de facto states as well as debates on performativity/performance, this article rejects as misguided the dichotomous ontologies of fake versus real. Instead, I argue that the most prominent examples of de facto states, that possess both internal and arguably also a considerable degree of external sovereignty, demonstrate that statehood is not the linchpin of the international system it is made out to be. Drawing on Bergson and Deleuze, I suggest that the sovereignty – of de facto states and beyond – should be understood as virtuality, where past and present are contemporaneous, and where sovereignty as virtual may or may not be actualised in statehood, thus posing for discussion a novel framework that elegantly disentangles sovereignty and statehood. The analytical promise of such an approach, in conclusion, is illustrated in a brief discussion of Iraqi Kurdistan and Taiwan.","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":"18 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135980783","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-07DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2253432
Seth Schindler, Ilias Alami, J. DiCarlo, Nicholas Jepson, Steve Rolf, M. Bayırbağ, Louis Cyuzuzo, Meredith DeBoom, Alireza F. Farahani, I. T. Liu, Hannah McNicol, Julie T. Miao, Philip Nock, Gilead Teri, Maximiliano Facundo Vila Seoane, Kevin Ward, Tim Zajontz, Yawei Zhao
{"title":"The Second Cold War: US-China Competition for Centrality in Infrastructure, Digital, Production, and Finance Networks","authors":"Seth Schindler, Ilias Alami, J. DiCarlo, Nicholas Jepson, Steve Rolf, M. Bayırbağ, Louis Cyuzuzo, Meredith DeBoom, Alireza F. Farahani, I. T. Liu, Hannah McNicol, Julie T. Miao, Philip Nock, Gilead Teri, Maximiliano Facundo Vila Seoane, Kevin Ward, Tim Zajontz, Yawei Zhao","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2253432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2253432","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-09-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48493130","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2252349
Doğuş Düzgün
{"title":"Toponymic Diplomacy: A New Conceptual Framework for Understanding the Geopolitics of Place Names","authors":"Doğuş Düzgün","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2252349","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2252349","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45642040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-11DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2217758
Shae A. Frydenlund
{"title":"Refugee-Ness and Exploitation: A Feminist Geography of Shitty Jobs","authors":"Shae A. Frydenlund","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2217758","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2217758","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46855898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-07DOI: 10.1080/14650045.2023.2241825
Christian Lamour
{"title":"Orbán Placed in Europe: Ukraine, Russia and the Radical-Right Populist Heartland","authors":"Christian Lamour","doi":"10.1080/14650045.2023.2241825","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/14650045.2023.2241825","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":47839,"journal":{"name":"Geopolitics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.9,"publicationDate":"2023-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46567970","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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