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RUINS OF THE FUTURE 未来的废墟
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9781472594358.ch-007
J. Zhang
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引用次数: 58
A TALE OF TWO NATIONALISMS 两种民族主义的故事
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2005-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9780203479322-9
Wang Chaohua
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引用次数: 8
A PRACTICAL UTOPIANISM 一个实用的乌托邦主义
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9780203436080-6
M. Rustin
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引用次数: 2
Entre Venezuela y Nadalandia 在委内瑞拉和纳达兰迪亚之间
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.16921/chasqui.v0i87.295
E. Galeano
Sostiene que el pais paso de la apatia total al total entusiasmo en las votaciones. Se proclama con absoluta libertad la ausencia de la "libertad de expresion". Ningun medio pese a la andanada de insultos y mentiras ha sido cerrado, la opinion publica es envenenada dia a dia y pese a ello los "nadie" no estan dispuestos a regresar a Nadalandia.
他认为,这个国家在投票时从完全的冷漠变成了完全的热情。“言论自由”的缺失被完全自由地宣布。没有媒体,尽管一连连的侮辱和谎言被关闭,公众舆论每天都被毒害,尽管如此,“没有人”不愿意回到纳达兰迪亚。
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引用次数: 0
Letter from Buenos Aires 来自布宜诺斯艾利斯的信
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2004-01-01 DOI: 10.5040/9780571343430.0010
E. Cozarinsky
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引用次数: 0
Preface: Questions 引言:问题
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.1515/9780822392699-001
R. Schwarz
In a national culture of notable variety and depth, the sociologist Chico de Oliveira has been one of Brazil s most original thinkers. A North-Easterner, he was born in 1933, in Recife, and educated there. At the age of 24 he joined sudene, the regional state development agency, working as deputy to Celso Furtado, the country s most famous economist. Both were driven into exile by the military dictatorship which came to power in the coup of 1964. Abroad, de Oliveira worked for the un in Guatemala and Mexico, before returning to Brazil in 1970, where he found employment with the social-science foundation cebrap in Sao Paulo. He later held chairs in sociology at both State and Catholic universities. In 1972 he published an iconoclastic reassessment of accepted theories of Brazilian economic development, under the title Critique of Dualist Reason. In this he took his distance from Furtado s legacy, as well as more generally the intellectual tradition of cepal, the un s Economic Commission on Latin America, whose presiding spirit was Raul Prebisch.
在一个以多样性和深度著称的国家文化中,社会学家Chico de Oliveira是巴西最具独创性的思想家之一。他是东北人,1933年出生于累西腓,并在那里接受教育。24岁时,他加入了地区国家发展机构sudene,担任该国最著名的经济学家塞尔索·富尔塔多(Celso Furtado)的副手。两人都被1964年政变上台的军事独裁政权驱逐出境。在国外,de Oliveira在危地马拉和墨西哥为联合国工作,1970年回到巴西,在圣保罗的社会科学基金会cebrap找到工作。后来,他在州立大学和天主教大学担任社会学教授。1972年,他以《二元论理性批判》为题,对公认的巴西经济发展理论进行了颠覆性的重新评估。在这一点上,他远离了费塔多的遗产,以及更广泛地说,远离了以劳尔·普雷维什(Raul Prebisch)为首的联合国拉丁美洲经济委员会(united nations Economic Commission on Latin America)的思想传统。
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引用次数: 2
ENTERING GLOBAL ANARCHY 进入全球无政府状态
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2003-01-01 DOI: 10.4135/9788132108283.n7
I. Wallerstein
The Bush administration has the wind in its sails with the conquest of Iraq. It thinks it can do what it wants and will probably act on this belief for the foreseeable future. It is understandable that Pentagon hawks, who have long preached that militarism would pay off, now feel they have clear proof for their thesis. It is equally natural that opponents of American imperialism should feel demoralized by the apparent us success. I will argue that both assessments miss the mark and fail to grasp what is really happening in the geopolitical arena. In what follows I will construct my analysis around three periods: the postwar apogee of us hegemony, from 1945 to 1967–73; the late summer glow, stretching from 1967–73 until 2001; and the stage that stretches ahead of us, from 2001 until 2025 or 2050: one of anarchy which the US cannot control. I shall distinguish three axes within each period: the internal competitive struggles of the major loci of accumulation of the capitalist world-economy; the ‘North–South’ struggle; and the battle to determine the future world-system, between two groups that I shall metaphorically label the camps of Davos and of Porto Alegre.
布什政府在征服伊拉克的过程中顺风顺水。它认为自己可以为所欲为,而且在可预见的未来,它很可能会按照这种信念行事。可以理解的是,长期鼓吹军国主义会有回报的五角大楼鹰派,现在觉得他们的论点有了明确的证据。同样自然的是,美帝国主义的反对者对美国的明显成功感到灰心丧气。我认为,这两种评估都没有抓住重点,没有把握地缘政治舞台上真正发生的事情。在接下来的文章中,我将围绕三个时期构建我的分析:战后美国霸权的巅峰时期,从1945年到1967-73年;晚夏的光辉,从1967-73年一直延续到2001年;从2001年到2025年或2050年,我们将面临一个美国无法控制的无政府状态。我将在每个时期内区分三个轴:资本主义世界经济主要积累地的内部竞争斗争;“南北”斗争;以及决定未来世界体系的两大阵营之间的斗争,我将把这两大阵营比喻为达沃斯和阿雷格里港阵营。
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引用次数: 20
BEYOND CIVIL SOCIETY 超越公民社会
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2002-01-01 DOI: 10.1515/9780822373353
Emir Sader
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引用次数: 35
Petrus Dadi Ratu Petrus Dadi Ratu
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2000-10-01 DOI: 10.2307/3351492
B. Anderson
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引用次数: 5
El eurocentrismo y sus avatares: los dilemas de las ciencias sociales 欧洲中心主义及其化身:社会科学的困境
IF 1.8 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2000-01-01 DOI: 10.5354/RDS.V0I15.27767
I. Wallerstein
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引用次数: 28
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