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Branding Black womanhood: media citizenship from Black power to Black girl magic Branding Black womanhood: media citizenship from Black power to Black girl magic , by Timeka N. Tounsel, New Jersey, Rutger University Press, 2022, vii+187 pp., E59.94 (hardback), ISBN 9781978829909 《塑造黑人女性形象:从黑人权力到黑人女孩魔法的媒体公民身份》,Timeka N. Tounsel著,新泽西州,罗格斯大学出版社,2022年,第7 +187页,E59.94(精装本),ISBN 9781978829909
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2278638
Shauntey James
"Branding Black womanhood: media citizenship from Black power to Black girl magic." Ethnic and Racial Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2
“黑人女性烙印:从黑人权力到黑人女孩魔法的媒体公民身份。”《民族与种族研究》,先印版,第1-2页
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引用次数: 0
Suspended lives: navigating everyday violence in the US asylum system Suspended lives: navigating everyday violence in the US asylum system , by Bridget Marie Haas, University of California Press, 2023, 264 pp., $29.95, £25.00, ISBN: 9780520385122 (PB) 《假死:指引美国庇护体系中的日常暴力》,布丽吉特·玛丽·哈斯著,加州大学出版社,2023年,264页,29.95美元,25.00英镑,ISBN: 9780520385122 (PB)
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2273954
Carol Bohmer
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引用次数: 0
The flood, the traitors, and the protectors: affect and white identity in the Internet Research Agency’s Islamophobic propaganda on Twitter 洪水、叛徒和保护者:互联网研究机构在Twitter上的伊斯兰恐惧症宣传中的影响和白人身份
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2268180
Bharath Ganesh, Nicolò Faggiani
Between 2015 and 2017, the Internet Research Agency (IRA) – a Kremlin-backed “troll farm” based in St. Petersburg – executed a propaganda campaign on Twitter to target US voters. Scholarship has expended relatively little effort to study the role of Islamophobia in the IRA’s propaganda campaign. Following critical disinformation research, this article demonstrates that Islamophobia, affect, and white identity played a crucial role in the IRA’s targeting of right-wing US voters. With an official release of tweets and associated visual content from Twitter, we use topic modeling and visual analysis to explore both how, and to what extent, the IRA used Islamophobia in its propaganda. To do so, we develop a multimodal distant reading technique to study how the IRA aligned users with contemporary far right social movements by deploying racial and emotional appeals that center on narrating a transnational white identity under threat from Islam and Muslims.
2015年至2017年期间,互联网研究机构(IRA)——克里姆林宫支持的、总部设在圣彼得堡的“喷子农场”——在推特上发起了一场针对美国选民的宣传活动。学术界在研究伊斯兰恐惧症在爱尔兰共和军的宣传活动中所起的作用方面所做的努力相对较少。通过对虚假信息的批判性研究,本文证明了伊斯兰恐惧症、情感和白人身份在爱尔兰共和军瞄准美国右翼选民的过程中发挥了至关重要的作用。通过Twitter官方发布的推文和相关的视觉内容,我们使用主题建模和视觉分析来探索爱尔兰共和军如何以及在多大程度上在其宣传中使用伊斯兰恐惧症。为此,我们开发了一种多模态远程阅读技术,研究爱尔兰共和军如何通过部署种族和情感诉求,将用户与当代极右翼社会运动联系起来,这些诉求集中在叙述伊斯兰教和穆斯林威胁下的跨国白人身份。
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引用次数: 0
Uncanny returns in settler colonial state: return, exile, and decolonization in Palestine/Israel 殖民国家的离奇回归:巴勒斯坦/以色列的回归、流亡和非殖民化
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-03 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2276225
Tiina Järvi
ABSTRACTIn this article, I propose uncanniness as a defining characteristic of return as I explore the settler colonial context of Palestine/Israel, where return has starkly ethno-nationalistic connotations. For Palestinians, return is associated with the liberation of Palestine, while for Israelis, it is part of Zionist foundational narratives. By explicating academic research and biographical literature, I consider how the concept of uncanny can further our understanding of what it means to return in this context, and beyond. Uncanniness brings attention to feelings of disorientation, strangeness, and not-at-homeness, and by approaching return as uncanny, I suggest, it is possible to tap into the volatility of “being-at-home” and thus unsettle exclusive and essentialist notions of belonging that define settler colonialism. Consequently, the article offers a way to consider return in a manner that gets from nostalgia to a new beginning and, in the settler colonial context of Palestine/Israel, from settler anxiety to decolonization.KEYWORDS: UncannyreturnbelongingPalestine/Israelsettler colonialismdecolonization AcknowledgementsI wish to thank the two anonymous reviewers whose feedback helped in sharpening the argument. My gratitude also to SPARG research group at Tampere University for their comments and support and to Mikko Joronen for reading and commenting on the different versions of this article.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Statement of ethicsSee Note 1.Notes1 The quotes are from a two-month ethnographic fieldwork conducted for a doctoral dissertation (Järvi Citation2021b). At the time, ethics approval was not required by Tampere University, but a discussion on research ethics can be found in the monograph.2 In addition to the refugees displaced in 1948, there is a multi-layered Palestinian exile whose possibility to return can be as precarious. However, their return does not hold similar national sentiments of liberation as that of the 1948 refugees, whose would return to places that currently constitute the state of Israel. In this article, while discussing return in general, the focus is on the transformative force associated with the return of 1948 refugees.3 Flight from uncanniness is, to be exact, a modus operandi for everyone (see, Withy Citation2015, 96–98), as for Heidegger, it is part of the ontology of being. Here, however, I hope to underline how it defines the political reality of settler colonialism.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by the Academy of Finland [grant number 322025] and by Kone Foundation grant.
在这篇文章中,当我探索巴勒斯坦/以色列的定居者殖民背景时,我提出不可思议作为回归的一个定义特征,在那里回归具有明显的种族民族主义内涵。对巴勒斯坦人来说,回归与巴勒斯坦的解放有关,而对以色列人来说,这是犹太复国主义基本叙事的一部分。通过对学术研究和传记文学的阐释,我思考了“不可思议”的概念是如何让我们进一步理解“回归”在这个语境中以及在这个语境之外的意义。“不可思议”引起人们对迷失方向、陌生感和不在家的感觉的关注,我认为,通过将回归视为不可思议,有可能挖掘“在家”的波动性,从而动摇定义定居者殖民主义的排他性和本质主义的归属感概念。因此,本文提供了一种考虑回归的方式,从怀旧到新的开始,在巴勒斯坦/以色列的定居者殖民背景下,从定居者的焦虑到非殖民化。关键字:不可预测的回归巴勒斯坦/以色列定居者殖民主义非殖民化承认我要感谢两位匿名评论者,他们的反馈有助于使论点更加尖锐。我还要感谢坦佩雷大学的SPARG研究小组的评论和支持,感谢Mikko Joronen阅读和评论本文的不同版本。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。伦理声明见注1。注1这些引文来自一篇博士论文为期两个月的民族志田野调查(Järvi Citation2021b)。当时坦佩雷大学并不要求伦理批准,但在专著中可以找到关于研究伦理的讨论除了1948年流离失所的难民外,还有一群多层次的巴勒斯坦流亡者,他们返回的可能性也同样不稳定。然而,他们的返回并不像1948年难民那样怀有民族解放的感情,1948年难民将返回目前构成以色列国的地方。在本文中,虽然讨论一般的返回,但重点是与1948年难民返回有关的变革力量确切地说,逃避不可思议是每个人的一种操作方式(见Withy Citation2015, 96-98),至于海德格尔,它是存在本体论的一部分。然而,在这里,我希望强调它如何定义定居者殖民主义的政治现实。本研究得到了芬兰科学院[资助号322025]和通力基金会的资助。
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引用次数: 0
Are Muslim experiences taken seriously in theories of Islamophobia? A literature review of Muslim experiences with social exclusion in the West 在伊斯兰恐惧症理论中,穆斯林的经历被认真对待了吗?穆斯林在西方遭遇社会排斥的文献回顾
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2268179
Edin Kozaric
Scholars within Islamophobia studies are predominantly concerned with studying societies and actors that embody Islamophobic beliefs and practices. A common claim in this literature is that Islamophobia is structurally and institutionally embedded, resulting in a multifaceted social exclusion of Muslims across Western societies. This article sets out to evaluate this claim by means of reviewing the qualitative literature concerned with Muslim experiences with social exclusion (Islamophobia, discrimination, racism, prejudice, stigmatization, and exclusion) in Western settings. In doing so, this article provides a structured overview of existing knowledge within these related topics, while also identifying assumptions within Islamophobia studies that ought to be informed by this empirical knowledge.
研究伊斯兰恐惧症的学者主要关注研究体现伊斯兰恐惧症信仰和实践的社会和行动者。这些文献中一个常见的说法是,伊斯兰恐惧症在结构上和制度上是根深蒂固的,导致了西方社会对穆斯林的多方面的社会排斥。本文将通过回顾有关西方环境下穆斯林遭遇社会排斥(伊斯兰恐惧症、歧视、种族主义、偏见、污名化和排斥)的定性文献来评估这一说法。在此过程中,本文对这些相关主题的现有知识进行了结构化的概述,同时也确定了伊斯兰恐惧症研究中的假设,这些假设应该由这些经验知识提供信息。
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引用次数: 0
Annotations: on the early thought of W.E.B. Du Bois Annotations: on the early thought of W.E.B. Du Bois , by Nahum Dimitri Chandler, Durham, USA and London, UK, Duke University Press, 2023, 180 pp., $24.95 (Paperback), ISBN: 9781478018421 《杜波依斯早期思想注释:杜波依斯早期思想注释》,纳胡姆·迪米特里·钱德勒著,美国达勒姆和英国伦敦,杜克大学出版社,2023年,180页,24.95美元(平装),ISBN: 9781478018421
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-11-01 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2273951
Sean Elias
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引用次数: 0
Reframing British history: teacher education after Black Lives Matter 重塑英国历史:黑人的命也重要之后的教师教育
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2271067
Sundeep Lidher, R. Bibi, C. Alexander
The Covid-19 pandemic and Black Lives Matter protests have given renewed impetus to campaigns against racial inequality. In education, the issue of curriculum – and particularly the history curriculum – has been at the centre of campaigns to “decolonise the curriculum”. While barriers to the teaching of “diverse” British histories in England’s classrooms have long been recognised, relatively little research has been done on the crucial role of history teacher educators and teacher training in developing a diverse profession, practice, and curriculum. This paper seeks to address these gaps through analysis of interviews with history teacher educators, trainee history teachers and key stakeholders. In particular, it explores the responses of history teacher educators to recent calls for curriculum reform, charts how these demands for change have influenced thinking and practice in Initial Teacher Education (ITE) in history and identifies ongoing challenges to the development of more inclusive curriculum and pedagogic practice.
新冠肺炎大流行和“黑人的命也重要”抗议活动为反对种族不平等运动注入了新的动力。在教育领域,课程问题——尤其是历史课程——一直是“课程去殖民化”运动的核心。虽然人们早就认识到在英国课堂上教授“多样化”英国历史的障碍,但关于历史教师教育者和教师培训在发展多样化专业、实践和课程方面的关键作用的研究相对较少。本文试图通过对历史教师、教育工作者、实习历史教师和主要利益相关者的访谈分析来解决这些差距。特别是,它探讨了历史教师教育者对最近课程改革呼吁的反应,绘制了这些变革要求如何影响历史初级教师教育(ITE)的思维和实践的图表,并确定了发展更具包容性的课程和教学实践的持续挑战。
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引用次数: 0
White power and American neoliberal culture White power and American neoliberal culture , by Patricia Ventura and Edward K. Chan, Berkeley, CA, University of California Press, 2023, $22.95 (hardcover), ISBN: 9780520392793 《白人权力与美国新自由主义文化》,帕特里夏·文图拉、爱德华·k·陈著,加州伯克利,加州大学出版社,2023年,22.95美元(精装本),ISBN: 9780520392793
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2273953
Matthew W. Hughey
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引用次数: 0
Qur’an burning in Norway: stop the Islamisation of Norway (SIAN) and far-right capture of free speech in a Scandinavian context 在挪威焚烧古兰经:停止挪威的伊斯兰化(SIAN)和极右翼在斯堪的纳维亚背景下对言论自由的攫取
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-30 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2268168
Sindre Bangstad, Marius Linge
ABSTRACTFringe political actors’ Qur’an desecrations in Scandinavia have over the past few years resulted in international media attention, diplomatic crises, calls for boycotts and pressures from Muslim states and organisations to criminalize such acts. This article explores the historical genealogies of Qur’an desecration – a transnational phenomenon – that emerged in the wake of the post-9/11 ‘Global War on Terror’. In Norway, public Qur’an burnings have been integral to the strategies of the far-right organization Stop the Islamisation of Norway (SIAN) since 2019. Inspired by Titley’s notion of far-right “free speech capture”, we demonstrate that Qur’an burning functions as a powerful symbolic means to incite hatred against Islam and Muslims in the name of “free speech”. We contend that Qur’an burning in the Norwegian context lies at the intersection between transnational and national flows and modalities of Islamophobia.KEYWORDS: Qur’an desecrationQur’an burningfreedom of expressionIslamophobiaMuslimsNorway Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Ethics statementApproval of the research ethics of this study, provisionally entitled INTERSECT: The Hate Speech v. Free Speech Conundrum, reference no. 678679, was granted by NSD/SIKT-Kunnskapssektorens Tjenestesenter in Norway. Informed consent was required from each research participant, and recordings and transcripts stored securely, and deleted after the completion of the study.Notes1 In as much as freedom of expression is a right balanced with other human rights under Norwegian and international law, and Norwegian General Penal Code § 185 prohibits certain forms of hate speech, Kallmyr is of course incorrect in contending that freedom of expression is «unconditional» in Norway.Additional informationFundingThis work was supported by Norges ForskningsrÃ¥d: [Grant Number INTERSECT].
【摘要】在过去的几年里,斯堪的纳维亚半岛边缘政治人物亵渎古兰经的行为引起了国际媒体的关注、外交危机、抵制呼吁以及来自穆斯林国家和组织的压力,要求将此类行为定为刑事犯罪。这篇文章探讨了亵渎古兰经的历史谱系,这是一种跨国现象,出现在9/11后的“全球反恐战争”之后。在挪威,自2019年以来,公开焚烧《古兰经》一直是极右翼组织“停止挪威伊斯兰化”(SIAN)战略的一部分。受Titley极右翼“言论自由捕获”概念的启发,我们证明焚烧古兰经是一种强大的象征性手段,以“言论自由”的名义煽动对伊斯兰教和穆斯林的仇恨。我们认为,在挪威的背景下焚烧《古兰经》是跨国和国家流动与伊斯兰恐惧症形式之间的交集。关键词:亵渎古兰经、焚烧古兰经、言论自由、伊斯兰恐惧症、穆斯林、挪威披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。伦理声明:批准本研究的研究伦理,临时标题为“相交:仇恨言论与自由言论难题”,参考文献号:678679,由挪威NSD/SIKT-Kunnskapssektorens Tjenestesenter授予。每位研究参与者都需要知情同意,录音和文字记录安全保存,并在研究结束后删除。注1根据挪威法律和国际法,言论自由是一项与其他人权平衡的权利,而且挪威一般刑法第185条禁止某些形式的仇恨言论,Kallmyr声称挪威的言论自由是“无条件的”,这当然是不正确的。本研究得到了Norges ForskningsrÃ¥d:[资助号INTERSECT]的支持。
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引用次数: 0
Loathsome Hui parasites: Islamophobia, ethnic chauvinism, and popular responses to the 2020 Wuhan coronavirus outbreak 可憎的回族寄生虫:伊斯兰恐惧症、民族沙文主义,以及民众对2020年武汉冠状病毒爆发的反应
2区 社会学 Q1 ETHNIC STUDIES Pub Date : 2023-10-27 DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2023.2268155
David R. Stroup
On 31 January 2020 in the midst of the outbreak of COVID-19 in Wuhan, China the city’s Party Secretary, Ma Guoqiang admitted in a televised interview to feeling “guilty and remorseful,” about the city government’s failures to contain the virus. In response, netizens on Weibo directed visceral abuse at Ma, an ethnic Hui Muslim, about his faith and loyalty to the party. The attacks came just months after the publication of leaked documents from national party officials calling Islam a “virus” and vowing to stop its “contagion.” Using discourse analysis of posts regarding Ma from January and February 2020, this paper examines how online discussion of Ma exemplifies Islamophobic attitudes of netizens and illuminate the exclusory ethnic politics that unfold in the process of national boundary setting in China. These findings will also illuminate how Muslims become scapegoats for crisis in non-Muslim countries, particularly those under authoritarian governance.
2020年1月31日,在新冠肺炎疫情在中国武汉爆发期间,武汉市委书记马国强在接受电视采访时承认,对市政府未能控制疫情感到“内疚和悔恨”。作为回应,网民们在微博上对马这位回族穆斯林的信仰和对党的忠诚进行了发自内心的谩骂。就在这次袭击发生的几个月前,一些国家政党官员泄露的文件称伊斯兰教是一种“病毒”,并誓言要阻止其“蔓延”。本文通过对2020年1月至2月有关马的帖子的话语分析,考察了关于马的网络讨论如何体现了网民的伊斯兰恐惧症态度,并阐明了在中国国界设定过程中展开的排他性民族政治。这些发现还将阐明穆斯林是如何成为非穆斯林国家危机的替罪羊的,尤其是那些在威权统治下的国家。
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引用次数: 2
期刊
Ethnic and Racial Studies
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