Pub Date : 2024-06-12DOI: 10.1177/0095327x241256311
Christos A. Makridis, Gil Alterovitz, Michael Darden
It has long been recognized that at-risk groups tend to experience a greater proportion of burden during times of turbulence. Motivated by the COVID-19 pandemic as a source of unprecedented crisis and change, this article uses data on employment, wages, and subjective well-being (SWB) to examine how U.S. veterans—an at-risk group for a variety of social ailments, including homelessness, disability, depression, anxiety, substance use, and suicide—fared over the pandemic between 2020 and 2021. While veterans were less likely to be employed, those who were employed have higher wages, conditional on being employed, and higher levels of SWB. Our results are qualitatively robust to controlling for a wide array of demographic factors, such as age and education, as well as industry and occupational differences. To better understand why veterans fared better than anticipated, we explore the moderating role of local Department of Veterans Affairs medical centers (VAMCs). We find that veterans who live closer to VAMCs exhibit higher levels of SWB with some evidence that the benefits of VAMC proximity are concentrated among more rural veterans, suggesting that VAMCs may have played an important role of supporting veteran communities during the pandemic.
{"title":"Access and Equity Among Veterans During the COVID-19 Pandemic: A Research Note","authors":"Christos A. Makridis, Gil Alterovitz, Michael Darden","doi":"10.1177/0095327x241256311","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x241256311","url":null,"abstract":"It has long been recognized that at-risk groups tend to experience a greater proportion of burden during times of turbulence. Motivated by the COVID-19 pandemic as a source of unprecedented crisis and change, this article uses data on employment, wages, and subjective well-being (SWB) to examine how U.S. veterans—an at-risk group for a variety of social ailments, including homelessness, disability, depression, anxiety, substance use, and suicide—fared over the pandemic between 2020 and 2021. While veterans were less likely to be employed, those who were employed have higher wages, conditional on being employed, and higher levels of SWB. Our results are qualitatively robust to controlling for a wide array of demographic factors, such as age and education, as well as industry and occupational differences. To better understand why veterans fared better than anticipated, we explore the moderating role of local Department of Veterans Affairs medical centers (VAMCs). We find that veterans who live closer to VAMCs exhibit higher levels of SWB with some evidence that the benefits of VAMC proximity are concentrated among more rural veterans, suggesting that VAMCs may have played an important role of supporting veteran communities during the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"33 22","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141353991","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-02DOI: 10.1177/0095327x241247063
Jeroen Klomp, Jakob de Haan
This study explores whether the level of military expenditures is affected by the occurrence of elections. From a theoretical perspective, it is not immediately clear whether, and if so, in which direction, upcoming elections shift military expenditures. On the one hand, the incumbent may try to enhance the likelihood of being re-elected by supporting the domestic defense industry. On the other hand, it might be more attractive to cut defense spending and increase non-defense spending. It is also possible that both effects coexist. We therefore apply the finite mixture model (FMM), which is able to test competing hypotheses. Our results, based on a panel of 93 democratic countries between 1980 and 2018 and Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) data on military spending, yield support for both hypotheses. Countries facing security risks or having a significant defense industry are most likely to expand their defense spending in an election year, while other countries are more likely to reduce their defense expenditure.
{"title":"Do Elections Cause Military Spending to Go Up or Down? New International Evidence","authors":"Jeroen Klomp, Jakob de Haan","doi":"10.1177/0095327x241247063","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x241247063","url":null,"abstract":"This study explores whether the level of military expenditures is affected by the occurrence of elections. From a theoretical perspective, it is not immediately clear whether, and if so, in which direction, upcoming elections shift military expenditures. On the one hand, the incumbent may try to enhance the likelihood of being re-elected by supporting the domestic defense industry. On the other hand, it might be more attractive to cut defense spending and increase non-defense spending. It is also possible that both effects coexist. We therefore apply the finite mixture model (FMM), which is able to test competing hypotheses. Our results, based on a panel of 93 democratic countries between 1980 and 2018 and Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) data on military spending, yield support for both hypotheses. Countries facing security risks or having a significant defense industry are most likely to expand their defense spending in an election year, while other countries are more likely to reduce their defense expenditure.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"33 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141022841","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-20DOI: 10.1177/0095327x241237295
D. Oh, Keon-Hyung Lee
Following the repeal of the federal individual health insurance mandate, five states and D.C. adopted their own state-level individual mandates to counteract the potential negative consequences of the repeal. This study examines the actual changes in veterans’ enrollments in private and Veterans Affairs (VA) insurance following the 2019 repeal. By analyzing data from 65,297 non-elderly veterans aged 18 to 64 in the U.S. between 2019 and 2021, we found that state-level individual mandates have positive effects on veterans’ enrollments in private and VA insurance, but the effects vary depending on individual income levels. The state-level individual mandate successfully serves as a substitute for the federal mandate. The results imply that veterans in states without individual mandate policies are more likely to worry about health insurance premiums and medical bills, limiting access to health care and potentially worsening health outcomes. Thus, the Veterans Health Administration should endeavor to encourage more state governments to adopt individual mandate policies.
{"title":"Effects of State-Level Individual Mandate on Veterans’ Access to Health Care in the United States","authors":"D. Oh, Keon-Hyung Lee","doi":"10.1177/0095327x241237295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x241237295","url":null,"abstract":"Following the repeal of the federal individual health insurance mandate, five states and D.C. adopted their own state-level individual mandates to counteract the potential negative consequences of the repeal. This study examines the actual changes in veterans’ enrollments in private and Veterans Affairs (VA) insurance following the 2019 repeal. By analyzing data from 65,297 non-elderly veterans aged 18 to 64 in the U.S. between 2019 and 2021, we found that state-level individual mandates have positive effects on veterans’ enrollments in private and VA insurance, but the effects vary depending on individual income levels. The state-level individual mandate successfully serves as a substitute for the federal mandate. The results imply that veterans in states without individual mandate policies are more likely to worry about health insurance premiums and medical bills, limiting access to health care and potentially worsening health outcomes. Thus, the Veterans Health Administration should endeavor to encourage more state governments to adopt individual mandate policies.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"95 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140225272","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-15DOI: 10.1177/0095327x241234021
Joonbum Bae, YuJung Julia Lee
Can mandatory military service increase confidence in the state across the population when only men are required to serve? To answer this question, we leverage the case of South Korea to examine how male-only conscription influences trust toward a critical state institution, the military. Based on the foreign policy opinion literature on the gender gap, we hypothesize that women hold different views of the military and respond in distinct ways to conscription. Analysis of public opinion data from 2003 to 2021 shows that women generally exhibit less trust in the military than men. Male conscription also has diverging effects along gender lines for parents of sons who must serve, increasing distrust of the military for their mothers while not affecting fathers. The findings suggest that mandatory military service can (further) divide opinions of the military across society.
{"title":"How Mandatory Military Service Can Divide Rather Than Unite: Conscription, Gender, and Military Trust in South Korea 2003–2021","authors":"Joonbum Bae, YuJung Julia Lee","doi":"10.1177/0095327x241234021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x241234021","url":null,"abstract":"Can mandatory military service increase confidence in the state across the population when only men are required to serve? To answer this question, we leverage the case of South Korea to examine how male-only conscription influences trust toward a critical state institution, the military. Based on the foreign policy opinion literature on the gender gap, we hypothesize that women hold different views of the military and respond in distinct ways to conscription. Analysis of public opinion data from 2003 to 2021 shows that women generally exhibit less trust in the military than men. Male conscription also has diverging effects along gender lines for parents of sons who must serve, increasing distrust of the military for their mothers while not affecting fathers. The findings suggest that mandatory military service can (further) divide opinions of the military across society.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"53 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140238386","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-14DOI: 10.1177/0095327x241235313
Jessie Coe, Daniel Schwam, R. Ramchand, Carrie Farmer
Do Americans see veterans as particularly deserving or simply as other members of their community? From a nationally representative survey fielded between June and September 2021 with over 2,000 respondents, we find that Americans state high levels of support for veterans and are willing to pay additional tax dollars to provide assistance programs. We find that most Americans support free health care, free college, and affordable housing for all Americans, and the support is notably stronger for programs for veterans. From a discrete choice experiment, we find that Americans are willing to pay hundreds of dollars in additional taxes to provide assistance programs to either veterans or to all community members, and Americans are willing to pay significantly more for certain programs for veterans. In addition, we look at differences in willingness to pay based on military and political affiliation and find significant differences in willingness to pay by political affiliation.
{"title":"American Support of Public Programs for Veterans: Estimates From a National Survey Including a Discrete Choice Experiment","authors":"Jessie Coe, Daniel Schwam, R. Ramchand, Carrie Farmer","doi":"10.1177/0095327x241235313","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x241235313","url":null,"abstract":"Do Americans see veterans as particularly deserving or simply as other members of their community? From a nationally representative survey fielded between June and September 2021 with over 2,000 respondents, we find that Americans state high levels of support for veterans and are willing to pay additional tax dollars to provide assistance programs. We find that most Americans support free health care, free college, and affordable housing for all Americans, and the support is notably stronger for programs for veterans. From a discrete choice experiment, we find that Americans are willing to pay hundreds of dollars in additional taxes to provide assistance programs to either veterans or to all community members, and Americans are willing to pay significantly more for certain programs for veterans. In addition, we look at differences in willingness to pay based on military and political affiliation and find significant differences in willingness to pay by political affiliation.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140244500","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-14DOI: 10.1177/0095327x241235987
Matthew C. Dean, Ben Porter
The current study sought to identify the sentiment of Russian-language social media posts about the war in Ukraine and to contrast sentiment between two popular social media platforms in Russia: VK and Telegram. Overall, 1,393,245 posts were gathered from social media platforms from February 2022 to September 2022 using keywords associated with the conflict. Using the sentiment analysis program Valence Aware Dictionary for sEntiment Reasoning (VADER), we completed an analysis of 15,000 randomly selected, translated Russian-language posts related to the war. Overall, findings show that sentiment was initially positive in the early stages of the invasion before becoming more neutral by the end of the study period. On VK, sentiment followed a similar positive-to-negative trend over the study period. Alternatively, on Telegram, sentiment was neutral throughout the study period. Findings show an initial difference in sentiment toward the war that existed among Russian-language speakers on the two sites before lessening over time.
{"title":"Sentiment Analysis of Russian-Language Social Media Posts Discussing the 2022 Russian Invasion of Ukraine","authors":"Matthew C. Dean, Ben Porter","doi":"10.1177/0095327x241235987","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x241235987","url":null,"abstract":"The current study sought to identify the sentiment of Russian-language social media posts about the war in Ukraine and to contrast sentiment between two popular social media platforms in Russia: VK and Telegram. Overall, 1,393,245 posts were gathered from social media platforms from February 2022 to September 2022 using keywords associated with the conflict. Using the sentiment analysis program Valence Aware Dictionary for sEntiment Reasoning (VADER), we completed an analysis of 15,000 randomly selected, translated Russian-language posts related to the war. Overall, findings show that sentiment was initially positive in the early stages of the invasion before becoming more neutral by the end of the study period. On VK, sentiment followed a similar positive-to-negative trend over the study period. Alternatively, on Telegram, sentiment was neutral throughout the study period. Findings show an initial difference in sentiment toward the war that existed among Russian-language speakers on the two sites before lessening over time.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"21 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140243314","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-12DOI: 10.1177/0095327x241236890
Morten Nordmo, Lasse Bang, Anders Øvergaard, O. C. Lang-Ree
There is a growing concern that the mental health of adolescents is worsening and that this deterioration may influence adolescents’ willingness and ability to complete military service. The purpose of this study is to investigate yearly relationships between self-reported mental health indicators and motivation for military service. To accomplish this, nationwide yearly percentile records from repeated cross-sectional records of Norwegian cohorts ( N = 891,600) collected from 2009 to 2022 were evaluated. The results show that the number of adolescents with self-reported mental health diagnoses increased every year for both males and females. Well-being and coping decreased over time for females (but not males), although absolute levels were high throughout the study period. Despite evidence of worsening mental health and well-being, self-described motivation and aptitude for military service were largely stable over time for both genders. The negative trends in mental health are not associated with functional consequences for adolescents’ motivation and aptitude to complete military service.
{"title":"Declining Mental Health Without Diminished Military Service Motivation in Norwegian Adolescents From 2009 to 2022: A Research Note","authors":"Morten Nordmo, Lasse Bang, Anders Øvergaard, O. C. Lang-Ree","doi":"10.1177/0095327x241236890","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x241236890","url":null,"abstract":"There is a growing concern that the mental health of adolescents is worsening and that this deterioration may influence adolescents’ willingness and ability to complete military service. The purpose of this study is to investigate yearly relationships between self-reported mental health indicators and motivation for military service. To accomplish this, nationwide yearly percentile records from repeated cross-sectional records of Norwegian cohorts ( N = 891,600) collected from 2009 to 2022 were evaluated. The results show that the number of adolescents with self-reported mental health diagnoses increased every year for both males and females. Well-being and coping decreased over time for females (but not males), although absolute levels were high throughout the study period. Despite evidence of worsening mental health and well-being, self-described motivation and aptitude for military service were largely stable over time for both genders. The negative trends in mental health are not associated with functional consequences for adolescents’ motivation and aptitude to complete military service.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"10 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140250735","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-08DOI: 10.1177/0095327x241234253
Ryan Burke, Jahara Matisek
Before, during, and after his presidency, Donald J. Trump’s behavior and statements provoked segments of the U.S. military and civil society, with some decisions criticized and declared illegal by critics. Some current and former U.S. military personnel openly criticized and displayed contempt toward the president, thereby violating Article 88 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). Prior to the 2021 conviction of a Marine Corps officer, the last Article 88 conviction occurred in 1966 when an off-duty Army Lieutenant held a sign criticizing President Johnson at an anti-Vietnam War protest. Despite Trump engaging in norm-eroding behaviors that politicized the Armed Forces, these actions were well within his legal rights. However, open criticism against President Trump by many retired flag officers was illegal per UCMJ laws, yet not enforced. The paradox of a UCMJ law becoming dead letter law indicates a major disjuncture between normative civil–military relations and the laws regulating the behavior of active and retired U.S. military officers. We conclude that UCMJ laws must be enforced, rewritten, or abolished because non-enforcement degrades civil–military relations and military professionalism.
{"title":"Trump(ing) Tradition: Old Laws, New Norms, and the Danger to Civil–Military Relations","authors":"Ryan Burke, Jahara Matisek","doi":"10.1177/0095327x241234253","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x241234253","url":null,"abstract":"Before, during, and after his presidency, Donald J. Trump’s behavior and statements provoked segments of the U.S. military and civil society, with some decisions criticized and declared illegal by critics. Some current and former U.S. military personnel openly criticized and displayed contempt toward the president, thereby violating Article 88 of the Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ). Prior to the 2021 conviction of a Marine Corps officer, the last Article 88 conviction occurred in 1966 when an off-duty Army Lieutenant held a sign criticizing President Johnson at an anti-Vietnam War protest. Despite Trump engaging in norm-eroding behaviors that politicized the Armed Forces, these actions were well within his legal rights. However, open criticism against President Trump by many retired flag officers was illegal per UCMJ laws, yet not enforced. The paradox of a UCMJ law becoming dead letter law indicates a major disjuncture between normative civil–military relations and the laws regulating the behavior of active and retired U.S. military officers. We conclude that UCMJ laws must be enforced, rewritten, or abolished because non-enforcement degrades civil–military relations and military professionalism.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"56 S3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140257127","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-08DOI: 10.1177/0095327x241233564
Insoo Kim, Wonkwang Jo
Excessive restrictions on individual rights, such as a ban on smartphone use and strict hair regulations, are a major concern among conscripts in South Korea. However, officers often adopt a lukewarm attitude toward their grievances. This study examines whether officers and conscripts have different standards of what is acceptable in the military. Theoretically and empirically, there are systemic differences in how officers and conscripts perform daily tasks; however, we do not have a detailed and systematic account of these differences. Therefore, we collected 23,987 responses to an open question regarding the disappointing aspects of military life and conducted a deductive descriptive study. A topic modeling analysis was used to identify 40 topics and categorize them into three clusters: respect for people, innovation, and sense of duty. The data analysis revealed that officers, non-commissioned officers (NCOs), and conscripts had different priorities regarding what the military must do. Officers and NCOs prioritized innovation over respect for people, but the opposite was true for conscripts. These findings have theoretical and methodological implications for exploring military subcultures.
{"title":"Differences in Cultural Dimensions Between South Korean Officers and Conscripts: A Topic Modeling Approach","authors":"Insoo Kim, Wonkwang Jo","doi":"10.1177/0095327x241233564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x241233564","url":null,"abstract":"Excessive restrictions on individual rights, such as a ban on smartphone use and strict hair regulations, are a major concern among conscripts in South Korea. However, officers often adopt a lukewarm attitude toward their grievances. This study examines whether officers and conscripts have different standards of what is acceptable in the military. Theoretically and empirically, there are systemic differences in how officers and conscripts perform daily tasks; however, we do not have a detailed and systematic account of these differences. Therefore, we collected 23,987 responses to an open question regarding the disappointing aspects of military life and conducted a deductive descriptive study. A topic modeling analysis was used to identify 40 topics and categorize them into three clusters: respect for people, innovation, and sense of duty. The data analysis revealed that officers, non-commissioned officers (NCOs), and conscripts had different priorities regarding what the military must do. Officers and NCOs prioritized innovation over respect for people, but the opposite was true for conscripts. These findings have theoretical and methodological implications for exploring military subcultures.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"35 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140257664","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-02-12DOI: 10.1177/0095327x231224736
Jukka I. Mattila, S. Malinen
This article focuses on creating understanding of Finnish Soldiers’ Home Association (SODE) as an auxiliary organization. Drawing on the concept of organizations as normative structures, we explore how individual volunteer values contribute to shaping the functioning and actions within SODE. We took a novel approach that involved examining the values of SODE volunteers to understand the nature of the organization. We adopted an interpretivist lens and used an abductive logic of enquiry, drawing from existing research and new survey data from SODE volunteers. We show that SODE volunteers exhibit high pro-defense attitudes, patriotism, and security values. By understanding these values, we gain insights into the normative structure that guides the goals, means, and roles within SODE. This research contributes to literature on voluntary organizations in the field of military studies and highlights the significance of individual values in shaping and maintaining the unique nature of SODE as an auxiliary organization.
{"title":"Exploring the Normative Structure of Finnish Soldiers’ Home Association: Understanding an Auxiliary Organization Through Volunteer Values","authors":"Jukka I. Mattila, S. Malinen","doi":"10.1177/0095327x231224736","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327x231224736","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on creating understanding of Finnish Soldiers’ Home Association (SODE) as an auxiliary organization. Drawing on the concept of organizations as normative structures, we explore how individual volunteer values contribute to shaping the functioning and actions within SODE. We took a novel approach that involved examining the values of SODE volunteers to understand the nature of the organization. We adopted an interpretivist lens and used an abductive logic of enquiry, drawing from existing research and new survey data from SODE volunteers. We show that SODE volunteers exhibit high pro-defense attitudes, patriotism, and security values. By understanding these values, we gain insights into the normative structure that guides the goals, means, and roles within SODE. This research contributes to literature on voluntary organizations in the field of military studies and highlights the significance of individual values in shaping and maintaining the unique nature of SODE as an auxiliary organization.","PeriodicalId":504407,"journal":{"name":"Armed Forces & Society","volume":"29 14","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139783293","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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