Pub Date : 2024-07-29DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000046
Phillip Ayoub, Jennifer M. Piscopo
{"title":"Reviewer Acknowledgements","authors":"Phillip Ayoub, Jennifer M. Piscopo","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000046","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000046","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"11 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141796342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-22DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000044
S. Turnbull-Dugarte
Aspiring parents who are unable to have biological children increasingly rely on gestational surrogacy. This practice, while long-standing, remains controversial. Despite domestic prohibitions, several states are considering liberalising access to the process. Surrogacy regulations are complex. Debates on potential reforms are often multidimensional and raise issues about, among other features, access to bodily agency, economic compensation and exploitation, and transnational trafficking. This article leverages a pre-registered conjoint experiment in Britain, where surrogacy reforms are actively being pursued, to identify which regulatory features can garner public support. The results indicate higher levels of public support for reforms that offer moderate financial compensation, facilitate access for non-heterosexual couples, permit overseas surrogacy arrangements, require legally binding guardianship transfers from birth and have cross-party backing. Subgroup analysis shows minimal gender-based differences but some large differences based on respondents’ sexuality, identity and partisanship.
{"title":"A handmaid’s tale? Support for surrogacy reform: experimental evidence from Britain","authors":"S. Turnbull-Dugarte","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000044","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000044","url":null,"abstract":"Aspiring parents who are unable to have biological children increasingly rely on gestational surrogacy. This practice, while long-standing, remains controversial. Despite domestic prohibitions, several states are considering liberalising access to the process. Surrogacy regulations are complex. Debates on potential reforms are often multidimensional and raise issues about, among other features, access to bodily agency, economic compensation and exploitation, and transnational trafficking. This article leverages a pre-registered conjoint experiment in Britain, where surrogacy reforms are actively being pursued, to identify which regulatory features can garner public support. The results indicate higher levels of public support for reforms that offer moderate financial compensation, facilitate access for non-heterosexual couples, permit overseas surrogacy arrangements, require legally binding guardianship transfers from birth and have cross-party backing. Subgroup analysis shows minimal gender-based differences but some large differences based on respondents’ sexuality, identity and partisanship.","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"20 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141816480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-22DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000040
Leah McCabe
The recent rise in anti-feminist resistance in Europe, occurring within a longer history of unravelling feminist policy gains, poses significant challenges for feminists. While scholars have closely examined resistance in cases characterised by significant equality backsliding, little is known about the contexts where anti-feminist actors are marginal and resistance is more inconspicuous. This article contributes to gender and politics scholarship, applying an integrated feminist institutionalist framework to a best-case scenario of progressive policymaking sustained over two decades: Scottish domestic abuse policymaking. Using documentary analysis and expert interviews, it traces the evolution of a form of anti-feminist resistance known as ‘whataboutery’ from 1998 to 2018. It argues that despite being positioned as losers in the debate, resistors have achieved considerable success in shaping policy trajectories and feminist strategies. The study sheds light on how feminist actors navigate real and anticipated threats to equality, illuminating the unintended consequences of women’s movements’ framing strategies.
{"title":"How are feminist policy frames challenged and resisted, and with what effects? Exploring the Scottish domestic abuse policy case","authors":"Leah McCabe","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000040","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000040","url":null,"abstract":"The recent rise in anti-feminist resistance in Europe, occurring within a longer history of unravelling feminist policy gains, poses significant challenges for feminists. While scholars have closely examined resistance in cases characterised by significant equality backsliding, little is known about the contexts where anti-feminist actors are marginal and resistance is more inconspicuous. This article contributes to gender and politics scholarship, applying an integrated feminist institutionalist framework to a best-case scenario of progressive policymaking sustained over two decades: Scottish domestic abuse policymaking. Using documentary analysis and expert interviews, it traces the evolution of a form of anti-feminist resistance known as ‘whataboutery’ from 1998 to 2018. It argues that despite being positioned as losers in the debate, resistors have achieved considerable success in shaping policy trajectories and feminist strategies. The study sheds light on how feminist actors navigate real and anticipated threats to equality, illuminating the unintended consequences of women’s movements’ framing strategies.","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"9 20","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141816465","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-22DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000043
Henrik Serup Christensen, Michael A. Hansen, I. Saikkonen
Several studies have examined whether attitudinal factors make people more willing to accept political elites violating basic democratic norms. However, the role of more basic socio-demographic characteristics, such as gender, remains underexplored. This may be a mistake, as studies suggest that these influence the evaluation of democratic transgressions. We focus on the role of gender in evaluations of democratic transgressions and re-examine data from two conjoint experiments conducted in Finland. We examine whether the gender of the politician violating democratic norms matters, whether the gender of the person judging the democratic violations matters, and whether it matters for the evaluation of the democratic violation when both the candidate and the respondent are of the same gender. Our results indicate that gender plays at best a limited role, as we find no evidence that candidate gender or the gender of the respondent matters for the evaluations.
{"title":"Gender and support for undemocratic politicians","authors":"Henrik Serup Christensen, Michael A. Hansen, I. Saikkonen","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000043","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000043","url":null,"abstract":"Several studies have examined whether attitudinal factors make people more willing to accept political elites violating basic democratic norms. However, the role of more basic socio-demographic characteristics, such as gender, remains underexplored. This may be a mistake, as studies suggest that these influence the evaluation of democratic transgressions. We focus on the role of gender in evaluations of democratic transgressions and re-examine data from two conjoint experiments conducted in Finland. We examine whether the gender of the politician violating democratic norms matters, whether the gender of the person judging the democratic violations matters, and whether it matters for the evaluation of the democratic violation when both the candidate and the respondent are of the same gender. Our results indicate that gender plays at best a limited role, as we find no evidence that candidate gender or the gender of the respondent matters for the evaluations.","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"31 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141816957","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-22DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000045
E. Bjarnegård, Kathleen Starck
{"title":"Political masculinities as an analytical category","authors":"E. Bjarnegård, Kathleen Starck","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000045","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000045","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"5 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141815154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-15DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000041
Emil Edenborg, Cecilia Strand
This article examines how international lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) activism is governed through state funding. Through archival material documenting the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency’s (SIDA’s) funding of two international LGBTI organizations – the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association and the Swedish Federation of LGBTQI Rights – complemented with interviews, we analyse power relations and management practices, how these are reconciled with SIDA’s efforts to make LGBTI funding more partner oriented, and the consequences for recipients. Our main finding is that within the funding schemes, control is exercised in less direct, hierarchical and overt ways than seems to be implied in some critiques of donor influence and ‘neocolonialism’ in the Western promotion of LGBTI rights. Instead, government takes place in multifaceted and horizontal ways, involving a variety of actors, which makes the exercise of power less visible but nonetheless far-reaching. Through SIDA’s funding schemes, power relations are reproduced in specific ways, including the partial reshaping of activist organizations into bureaucratized and depoliticized state ‘partners’.
本文探讨了国际女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、变性人和双性人 (LGBTI) 活动是如何通过国家资助进行管理的。通过记录瑞典国际开发合作署（SIDA）资助两个国际 LGBTI 组织--国际女同性恋、男同性恋、双性恋、变性者和双性人协会（International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association）和瑞典 LGBTQI 权利联合会（Swedish Federation of LGBTQI Rights）--的档案资料，并辅以访谈，我们分析了权力关系和管理实践，这些是如何与瑞典国际开发合作署（SIDA）使 LGBTI 资助更加面向合作伙伴的努力相协调的，以及对受助者的影响。我们的主要发现是，在资助计划中，控制的方式并不像某些批评所暗示的那样直接、等级分明和公开，因为在西方促进 LGBTI 权利的过程中，捐助者的影响和 "新殖民主义 "似乎并不那么明显。相反，政府以多层面、横向的方式行使权力，涉及各种行为者，这使得权力的行使不那么明显，但却影响深远。通过瑞典国际开发署（SIDA）的资助计划，权力关系以特定的方式再现，包括将激进组织部分重塑为官僚化和非政治化的国家 "合作伙伴"。
{"title":"Governing queer activism: power and visibility in state funding of international LGBTI organizations","authors":"Emil Edenborg, Cecilia Strand","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000041","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000041","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines how international lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) activism is governed through state funding. Through archival material documenting the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency’s (SIDA’s) funding of two international LGBTI organizations – the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association and the Swedish Federation of LGBTQI Rights – complemented with interviews, we analyse power relations and management practices, how these are reconciled with SIDA’s efforts to make LGBTI funding more partner oriented, and the consequences for recipients. Our main finding is that within the funding schemes, control is exercised in less direct, hierarchical and overt ways than seems to be implied in some critiques of donor influence and ‘neocolonialism’ in the Western promotion of LGBTI rights. Instead, government takes place in multifaceted and horizontal ways, involving a variety of actors, which makes the exercise of power less visible but nonetheless far-reaching. Through SIDA’s funding schemes, power relations are reproduced in specific ways, including the partial reshaping of activist organizations into bureaucratized and depoliticized state ‘partners’.","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"54 6","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141648599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-12DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000042
Melody E. Valdini
{"title":"Women who represent men: preserving political masculinities through women allies","authors":"Melody E. Valdini","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000042","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000042","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"52 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141654806","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-11DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000039
Petra Ahrens, Barbara Gaweda, Valentine Berthet, J. Kantola, Cherry Miller
The article explores methodological and ethical tensions arising from positionality and reflexivity while doing feminist research in a challenging parliamentary setting, specifically one that includes radical-right populist actors that use anti-gender rhetoric. Reflecting upon positionality is vital for qualitative researchers, especially those engaged in critical feminist research, where gendered power hierarchies between researchers and their environment demand daily manoeuvring and subsequent analytical concern. We explore how the gender of the researchers, gender equality as a research topic, our feminist positionalities, and intersectional aspects shaped the research process in the context of the European Parliament. The article contributes to the literature on feminist positionalities and reflexivity by discussing not only the ambiguities emerging from our empirical research choices, such as engaging with radical-right actors, but also the other ‘critical ingredients’ that feminism handles, such as identities, relationships, power and affects, reflecting how they are interwoven with relationships and interactions in the field.
{"title":"Friends, experts or witches: doing feminist research in challenging political contexts","authors":"Petra Ahrens, Barbara Gaweda, Valentine Berthet, J. Kantola, Cherry Miller","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000039","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000039","url":null,"abstract":"The article explores methodological and ethical tensions arising from positionality and reflexivity while doing feminist research in a challenging parliamentary setting, specifically one that includes radical-right populist actors that use anti-gender rhetoric. Reflecting upon positionality is vital for qualitative researchers, especially those engaged in critical feminist research, where gendered power hierarchies between researchers and their environment demand daily manoeuvring and subsequent analytical concern. We explore how the gender of the researchers, gender equality as a research topic, our feminist positionalities, and intersectional aspects shaped the research process in the context of the European Parliament. The article contributes to the literature on feminist positionalities and reflexivity by discussing not only the ambiguities emerging from our empirical research choices, such as engaging with radical-right actors, but also the other ‘critical ingredients’ that feminism handles, such as identities, relationships, power and affects, reflecting how they are interwoven with relationships and interactions in the field.","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"116 12","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141657509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-07-01DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000038
Nayia Kamenou
The literature on the lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans* and queer (LGBTQ+) vote has established the constitutive role of sexuality and gender identity in vote choice. However, knowledge about how LGBTQ+ people vote in troubled times and contexts and how their voting choices and rationales relate to and affect conceptualisations and enactments of LGBTQ+ politics remains limited. This article addresses these questions based on Cypriot LGBTQ+ participants’ perspectives. The analysis of material from interviews with and questionnaires completed by LGBTQ+ participants identifies two approaches to voting among participants: voting abstention and LGBTQ+ intersectional voting. I argue that these two approaches to voting show that LGBTQ+ people understand and enact themselves as agents of intersectional social justice and radical political change. Therefore, beyond contributing to discussions about the LGBTQ+ vote, the article demonstrates the importance of LGBTQ+ individuals’ perspectives and intersectionality considerations for a well-rounded understanding of the LGBTQ+ vote and the LGBTQ+ community’s political power potential.
{"title":"Queering the ballot: the lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans* and queer vote in troubled times and contexts","authors":"Nayia Kamenou","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000038","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000038","url":null,"abstract":"The literature on the lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans* and queer (LGBTQ+) vote has established the constitutive role of sexuality and gender identity in vote choice. However, knowledge about how LGBTQ+ people vote in troubled times and contexts and how their voting choices and rationales relate to and affect conceptualisations and enactments of LGBTQ+ politics remains limited. This article addresses these questions based on Cypriot LGBTQ+ participants’ perspectives. The analysis of material from interviews with and questionnaires completed by LGBTQ+ participants identifies two approaches to voting among participants: voting abstention and LGBTQ+ intersectional voting. I argue that these two approaches to voting show that LGBTQ+ people understand and enact themselves as agents of intersectional social justice and radical political change. Therefore, beyond contributing to discussions about the LGBTQ+ vote, the article demonstrates the importance of LGBTQ+ individuals’ perspectives and intersectionality considerations for a well-rounded understanding of the LGBTQ+ vote and the LGBTQ+ community’s political power potential.","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"56 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141697900","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-14DOI: 10.1332/25151088y2024d000000025
Malin Holm
Antifeminist groups have made extensive use of online platforms to mobilise and spread their political ideas. Existing studies of online antifeminism tend to focus their analyses primarily on how masculinities are constructed through antifeminist discourses. This article takes a different approach by exploring how the social position of antifeminist political players is related to their effective use of online platforms. Through an empirical study of an influential antifeminist blogosphere that emerged in Sweden in the mid-2000s, it is shown how the mostly anonymous antifeminist bloggers are, in fact, well-resourced activists who, due to their educational resources and communicative skills, could effectively use political blogs to promote their cause. Consequently, despite their claims of being marginalised and victimised, these predominantly male antifeminist activists actually occupy a privileged position in relation to historically marginalised groups, a position that affords them new possibilities to attack feminist achievements and actors through online platforms.
{"title":"The privilege of ‘aggrieved entitlement’: exploring the social bases of antifeminist political players mobilising online","authors":"Malin Holm","doi":"10.1332/25151088y2024d000000025","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1332/25151088y2024d000000025","url":null,"abstract":"Antifeminist groups have made extensive use of online platforms to mobilise and spread their political ideas. Existing studies of online antifeminism tend to focus their analyses primarily on how masculinities are constructed through antifeminist discourses. This article takes a different approach by exploring how the social position of antifeminist political players is related to their effective use of online platforms. Through an empirical study of an influential antifeminist blogosphere that emerged in Sweden in the mid-2000s, it is shown how the mostly anonymous antifeminist bloggers are, in fact, well-resourced activists who, due to their educational resources and communicative skills, could effectively use political blogs to promote their cause. Consequently, despite their claims of being marginalised and victimised, these predominantly male antifeminist activists actually occupy a privileged position in relation to historically marginalised groups, a position that affords them new possibilities to attack feminist achievements and actors through online platforms.","PeriodicalId":507922,"journal":{"name":"European Journal of Politics and Gender","volume":"7 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140243812","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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