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The Motherland and the Fight with Fascism: War Cult and War Film under Brezhnev (1965–82) 祖国和与法西斯主义的斗争:勃列日涅夫时期的战争崇拜与战争电影(1965-82 年)
Pub Date : 2024-07-07 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12673
Catriona Kelly
This article, based on extensive archival documentation, newspapers, and periodicals, examines the impact upon the Soviet film industry of shifts in top‐level policy relating to representation of the war. It contends that Leonid Brezhnev’s May 8, 1965, speech on the eve of Victory Day propounded an inclusive vision of the war (later sections of the speech comprise an exhaustive inventory of different representatives of military and civilian society who had been responsible for victory). Yet, in lending encouragement to participants of all kinds to consider their experience valid, the speech opened up a discursive space in which validity might be contested. Further, the emphasis in the film industry upon innovation and the need to avoid predictability ran directly against the requirement that commemoration of the war should fit highly ritualized and easily recognizable patterns. The article traces the results of these overall contradictions in the arguments about overall policy on the war film between representatives of the High Command, film managers at Goskino, cinema’s central bureaucracy, and filmmakers themselves, and the controversies around individual films, including Iurii Ozerov’s Liberation (1968–72), Andrei Smirnov’s The Belorussian Station (1970), Aleksei German’s Operation “New Year” (1971, released as Checkpoint, 1985), and Larisa Shepit'ko’s Ascent (1977).
本文以大量档案文献、报纸和期刊为基础,探讨了高层在战争表现方面的政策变化对苏联电影业的影响。文章认为,列昂尼德-勃列日涅夫在 1965 年 5 月 8 日胜利日前夕发表的讲话提出了一种包容性的战争观(讲话的后半部分详尽列举了对胜利负有责任的军方和民间社会的不同代表)。然而,在鼓励各类参与者将其经历视为有效经历的同时,该演讲也开辟了一个可以对有效性提出质疑的话语空间。此外,电影业对创新的强调和避免可预见性的需要直接违背了纪念战争应符合高度仪式化和易于识别的模式的要求。文章从最高统帅部代表、戈斯基诺的电影经理、电影中央官僚机构和电影制作人之间关于战争片总体政策的争论中,以及围绕个别影片的争议中,追溯了这些总体矛盾的结果,包括尤里-奥泽罗夫(Iurii Ozerov)的《解放》(1968-72 年)、安德烈-斯米尔诺夫(Andrei Smirnov)的《白俄罗斯车站》(1970 年)、阿列克谢-格尔曼(Aleksei German)的《"新年 "行动》(1971 年,1985 年作为《检查站》上映)和拉丽萨-谢皮特科(Larisa Shepit'ko)的《上升》(1977 年)。
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引用次数: 0
Varieties of Russian Activism: State‐Society Contestation in Everyday Life by JeremyMorris, AndreiSemenov, and ReginaSmyth, eds. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2023. 314 pp. $80.00. ISBN 978‐0‐253‐06545‐2 俄罗斯激进主义的多样性:俄罗斯激进主义的多样性:日常生活中的国家-社会竞争》,JeremyMorris、AndreiSemenov 和 ReginaSmyth 编辑。布卢明顿:印第安纳大学出版社,2023 年。314 页。$80.00.ISBN 978-0-253-06545-2
Pub Date : 2024-07-02 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12676
Colleen Wood
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引用次数: 1
For a United Russia? The White Movement’s Rejection of National Self‐Determination, 1918–20 为了统一的俄罗斯?白人运动拒绝民族自决,1918-20 年
Pub Date : 2024-06-11 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12668
Oliver Rowe
For obvious reasons, the White Movement rarely features in works concerning national self‐determination in the aftermath of the First World War. Beyond the looming shadows of Woodrow Wilson and V. I. Lenin, the “governments” of White generals that swore allegiance to A. V. Kolchak made no secret of their desire for a Russia “one and indivisible.” Those responsible for drafting Omsk’s edicts were suspicious of self‐determination’s apparent Germano‐Bolshevik origins. Analyzing the so‐called Russian state’s resistance to both the term and concept of national self‐determination—and its relatively novel association with secession—highlights the self‐defeating nature of Kolchak’s policies on the matter. Moreover, and most significantly for wider discussions on national self‐determination during the period, the White Movement’s rejection of federalism in any form, coupled with the stalling progress of White armies, the conclusion of the Paris Peace Conference, and the consolidation of Soviet Russia made statehood for Russia’s neighbor nations more realistic, logical, and justifiable. The political failures of the White Movement contributed to the feasibility of small states in the eyes of both the Allies and the national peoples themselves, and this warrants attention.
由于显而易见的原因,白人运动很少出现在第一次世界大战后有关民族自决的作品中。除了伍德罗-威尔逊和维-伊-列宁的阴影之外,宣誓效忠阿-瓦-科尔察克的白军将领们的 "政府 "毫不掩饰他们对 "统一而不可分割 "的俄罗斯的渴望。负责起草鄂木斯克敕令的人对自决的明显的日耳曼-布尔什维克渊源表示怀疑。分析所谓的俄罗斯国家对民族自决这一术语和概念的抵制--以及它与分离的相对新颖的联系--凸显了科尔察克在这一问题上的政策的自我挫败性。此外,对这一时期关于民族自决的更广泛讨论而言,最重要的是,白人运动拒绝任何形式的联邦制,再加上白军的停滞不前、巴黎和会的结束以及苏维埃俄国的巩固,使得俄罗斯周边国家的建国变得更加现实、合乎逻辑和合理。白军运动在政治上的失败使得小国在协约国和各国人民眼中都变得可行,这一点值得关注。
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引用次数: 0
Disruption: The Global Economic Shocks of the 1970s and the End of the Cold War by Michael de Groot. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2024. 324 pp. $53.95. ISBN 978‐1‐5017‐7411‐9 混乱:20 世纪 70 年代的全球经济震荡与冷战的结束》,迈克尔-德-格鲁特著。伊萨卡:康奈尔大学出版社,2024 年。324 页。$53.95.ISBN 978-1-5017-7411-9
Pub Date : 2024-06-10 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12663
O. Sanchez-Sibony
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引用次数: 0
The Russian FSB: A Concise History of The Federal Security Service by Kevin P. Riehle. Concise Histories of Intelligence. Washington: Georgetown University Press, 2024. 197 pp. $74.95. ISBN 978‐1‐6471‐2408‐3 俄罗斯联邦安全局:联邦安全局简明史》,凯文-P-里尔著。简明情报史》。华盛顿:乔治城大学出版社,2024 年。197 页。$74.95.ISBN 978-1-6471-2408-3
Pub Date : 2024-06-10 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12666
Amy Knight
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引用次数: 1
Babyn Yar: History and Memory by Vladyslav Hrynevych and Paul Robert Magocsi, eds. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2023. 440 pp. $44.95. ISBN 978‐0‐7727‐5116‐4 历史与记忆历史与记忆》,Vladyslav Hrynevych 和 Paul Robert Magocsi 编辑。多伦多:多伦多大学出版社,2023 年。440 页。$44.95.ISBN 978-0-7727-5116-4
Pub Date : 2024-06-10 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12665
Victoria Khiterer
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引用次数: 0
“We Know What War Is”: Veterans, Soldiers, and Military Masculinity in the Soviet “Fight for Peace,” c. 1955–65 "我们知道战争是什么退伍军人、士兵和苏联 "为和平而战 "中的军人阳刚之气,约 1955-65 年
Pub Date : 2024-06-10 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12661
Claire E. McCallum
The aim of this article is to bring the issue of peace more definitively into the increasingly complex vision we have of the postwar era and to give particular thought to the place of the military man within a society that was now supposedly orientated toward peace. To do so, the discussion will range across both lived experience and cultural representations—predominantly of a visual nature—that broached the issue of peace, paying close attention to the ways in which the legacies of the Great Patriotic War shaped how serving soldiers and demobilized veterans articulated the need for peace and their role in ensuring its preservation. What will be repeatedly demonstrated in what follows is that the shadow of the Great Patriotic War loomed large over both cultural representations and personal conceptualizations of the ideal of peace, and as such the military man—both real and imagined, serving and demobilized—was integral to the discourse surrounding this most pressing social concern.
本文的目的是将和平问题更明确地纳入我们对战后时代日益复杂的看法中,并特别思考军人在一个现在应该以和平为导向的社会中的地位。为此,讨论的范围将涵盖生活经验和涉及和平问题的文化表现形式(主要是视觉表现形式),并密切关注伟大卫国战争的遗产如何影响现役军人和复员退伍军人如何表达和平的需要以及他们在确保和平方面的作用。以下内容将反复证明,伟大卫国战争的阴影笼罩着和平理想的文化表述和个人概念,因此,军人--无论是真实的还是想象的、现役的还是复员的--都是围绕这一最紧迫的社会问题的讨论中不可或缺的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
War Wives: Women, Marriage, and the Soviet Partisan Movement (1941–44) 战争妻子:妇女、婚姻和苏联游击队运动(1941-1944 年)
Pub Date : 2024-06-10 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12660
Masha Cerovic
The article explores relationships between male combatants and women in the Soviet Union between 1941 and 1944, based on the case of the Soviet partisans. It analyzes different forms of wartime marriages, which are considered as heterosexual relationships entailing complex negotiations and exchanges, and as social institutions which were an essential part of the transformation of the social order during the war. It shows how these marriages revealed shifts in hierarchies, status and concepts of authority and power, blending peasant traditions and military culture in response to the shock of war.
文章以苏联游击队为例,探讨了 1941 年至 1944 年间苏联男性战斗人员与女性之间的关系。文章分析了不同形式的战时婚姻,这些婚姻被视为需要复杂谈判和交流的异性关系,同时也是战争期间社会秩序变革的重要组成部分。它展示了这些婚姻如何揭示了等级、地位以及权威和权力概念的变化,如何将农民传统和军事文化融合在一起以应对战争的冲击。
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引用次数: 0
Russia’s Army: A History from the Napoleonic Wars to the War in Ukraine by Roger R. Reese. Campaigns & Commanders. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press. 2023. xiv + 225 pp. $34.95. ISBN 978‐0‐8061‐9275‐8 俄罗斯军队:从拿破仑战争到乌克兰战争的历史》,罗杰-R-里斯著。战役与指挥官》。诺曼:俄克拉荷马大学出版社。2023.xiv + 225 pp.$34.95.ISBN 978-0-8061-9275-8
Pub Date : 2024-06-10 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12664
Markus Balázs Göransson
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引用次数: 0
“To Indulge the Tears of Women and Children”: Masculinity, Violence, and Mercy in the Conquest of the Caucasus "纵容妇女和儿童的眼泪":征服高加索的男性气质、暴力与仁慈
Pub Date : 2024-06-06 DOI: 10.1111/russ.12658
Ian W. Campbell
This article uses campaign reports and memoir literature to explore tsarist officers’ views of masculinity—both their own and that of their opponents—during the conquest of the Caucasus, focusing particularly on the Nicolaevan era. It frames conquest as a form of cultural exchange and argues that tsarist officers’ understandings of the gender order of both their own and combatant societies were a critical component of this cultural exchange. In particular, stereotypically feminine traits like mercy and gentleness were important to the cultural script of conquest in the Caucasus. To offer mercy implied the right to punish, a right which had to constantly be reasserted; the assertion of authority was deeply gendered and necessitated the subordination of local men. A case study of ritual humiliation during the conquest of the Caucasus illustrates how this worked in practice: disrupting the customary gender relations of a combatant society to remove opposing men from their authoritative role and installing an imperial officer at the top of the hierarchy.
本文利用战役报告和回忆录文献来探讨沙皇军官在征服高加索期间对男性的看法--包括他们自己和对手的看法,尤其侧重于尼古拉万时代。该书将征服视为一种文化交流形式,并认为沙皇军官对本国和作战双方社会性别秩序的理解是这种文化交流的重要组成部分。特别是,怜悯和温柔等刻板的女性特质对于高加索地区的征服文化剧本非常重要。仁慈意味着惩罚的权利,而这种权利必须不断得到重申;权力的伸张带有深刻的性别色彩,并要求当地男子服从。对高加索征服期间羞辱仪式的案例研究说明了这在实践中是如何起作用的:破坏战斗社会中习惯的性别关系,使反对派男子失去权威地位,并将帝国官员置于等级制度的顶端。
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The Russian Review
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