Pub Date : 2024-07-23DOI: 10.1177/18793665241266260
Gulnur Makulbayeva, Dina Sharipova
This study applies Putnam’s social capital thesis to an examination of the impact of social capital (social trust, formal networks and norms) on public councils’ performance in Kazakhstan. As public councils aim to express citizens’ opinions on socially significant problems, this inquiry measures their performance by examining their impact on social issues in various policy domains. Drawing on data collected from four regions of Kazakhstan, we found that social trust and cooperation norms have a positive impact on public councils’ effectiveness, while formal networking has no influence. The limited significance of formal networking in the local context is explained by the state-led nature of civil society. This article contributes to the literature on social capital and government performance in authoritarian states.
{"title":"Social capital and performance of public councils in Kazakhstan","authors":"Gulnur Makulbayeva, Dina Sharipova","doi":"10.1177/18793665241266260","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665241266260","url":null,"abstract":"This study applies Putnam’s social capital thesis to an examination of the impact of social capital (social trust, formal networks and norms) on public councils’ performance in Kazakhstan. As public councils aim to express citizens’ opinions on socially significant problems, this inquiry measures their performance by examining their impact on social issues in various policy domains. Drawing on data collected from four regions of Kazakhstan, we found that social trust and cooperation norms have a positive impact on public councils’ effectiveness, while formal networking has no influence. The limited significance of formal networking in the local context is explained by the state-led nature of civil society. This article contributes to the literature on social capital and government performance in authoritarian states.","PeriodicalId":509241,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"47 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141813376","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-14DOI: 10.1177/18793665241253281
Jakub Godzimirski, Marthe Handå Myhre, M. Onderco
After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, and its subsequent decision to stop its gas export to Europe, Europe’s energy dependence on Russia was put on full display. In this paper, we map energy relations with Russia in three European countries that in the period of analysis between 2012 and 2022 were among the most important energy customers of Russia: Poland, Germany and the Netherlands. Moreover, we examine how this issue has been addressed – if at all – in party programs in elections in the same period. Examining party programs, we argue, brings new insights and a better understanding of how energy policies and relations with Russia were viewed in the three countries – and in the EU in general in that period. The paper identifies two ideal types – the ‘liberal pragmatists’, who treated strong energy interdependence as a possible conflict-mitigating measure, and the ‘hard core realists’, who viewed strong energy dependence on Russia as a possible source of strategic threat.
{"title":"Caught in the liberal pragmatic trap? How political parties viewed energy dependence on Russia in three European countries 2012–2022","authors":"Jakub Godzimirski, Marthe Handå Myhre, M. Onderco","doi":"10.1177/18793665241253281","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665241253281","url":null,"abstract":"After Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, and its subsequent decision to stop its gas export to Europe, Europe’s energy dependence on Russia was put on full display. In this paper, we map energy relations with Russia in three European countries that in the period of analysis between 2012 and 2022 were among the most important energy customers of Russia: Poland, Germany and the Netherlands. Moreover, we examine how this issue has been addressed – if at all – in party programs in elections in the same period. Examining party programs, we argue, brings new insights and a better understanding of how energy policies and relations with Russia were viewed in the three countries – and in the EU in general in that period. The paper identifies two ideal types – the ‘liberal pragmatists’, who treated strong energy interdependence as a possible conflict-mitigating measure, and the ‘hard core realists’, who viewed strong energy dependence on Russia as a possible source of strategic threat.","PeriodicalId":509241,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"16 10","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140980703","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-05-12DOI: 10.1177/18793665241254835
Natalia Matiaszczyk
The full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 changed the situation in Europe, impacting various aspects, such as politics, security, and international relations. It also underscored the significance of local authorities, particularly cities, in responding to and addressing the consequences of the crisis. The paper answers the questions on the impact of the Russian invasion on the international partnerships of Ukrainian cities, the role of city diplomacy in promoting solidarity and support for Ukraine, and the dynamics of multi-level cooperation in supporting Ukraine during the war. This research was based on a survey sent to 56 Ukrainian cities, of which 70% of them responded. The findings indicate that almost 90% of Ukrainian cities receive diverse forms of support from foreign partners, and two-thirds of them engage in forging new partnerships. Moreover, through many multi-level initiatives, they contribute significantly to the dynamic interplay between local, national, and international levels of governments. These results highlight the noteworthy role of cities in international relations as actors in times of war.
{"title":"City diplomacy as a mechanism of multi-level solidarity and support for Ukraine: A study of the changes following the 2022 Russian invasion","authors":"Natalia Matiaszczyk","doi":"10.1177/18793665241254835","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665241254835","url":null,"abstract":"The full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 changed the situation in Europe, impacting various aspects, such as politics, security, and international relations. It also underscored the significance of local authorities, particularly cities, in responding to and addressing the consequences of the crisis. The paper answers the questions on the impact of the Russian invasion on the international partnerships of Ukrainian cities, the role of city diplomacy in promoting solidarity and support for Ukraine, and the dynamics of multi-level cooperation in supporting Ukraine during the war. This research was based on a survey sent to 56 Ukrainian cities, of which 70% of them responded. The findings indicate that almost 90% of Ukrainian cities receive diverse forms of support from foreign partners, and two-thirds of them engage in forging new partnerships. Moreover, through many multi-level initiatives, they contribute significantly to the dynamic interplay between local, national, and international levels of governments. These results highlight the noteworthy role of cities in international relations as actors in times of war.","PeriodicalId":509241,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"116 43","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140986460","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-12-28DOI: 10.1177/18793665231224486
Ali Emamifar, Bahareh Sazmand, Maziar Mozaffari Falarti
The enduring conflict in Ukraine has resonated globally, significantly impacting international security and diplomatic dynamics, particularly in the arena of military and defense cooperation. This study meticulously examines the aftermath of the conflict, focusing on its implications for the established defense partnership between Russia and India. By scrutinizing pertinent literature and primary sources, this study investigates the reverberations of the Ukraine conflict on Russia-India defense cooperation since 2014. It evaluates how India’s defense procurement strategies have adapted, discerning a deliberate shift towards diversification of defense suppliers beyond Russia. This study also emphasizes that Iran should heed the lessons emanating from the India-Russia defense cooperation outlook. It advocates for Iran to diversify its arms suppliers, heavily invest in its domestic defense industry, and significantly reduce its dependency on Russian weapons. By drawing parallels with India’s post-conflict defense evolution, Iran can chart a trajectory towards bolstering its own defense capabilities autonomously. This necessitates fostering a broader spectrum of international partnerships while concurrently enhancing its indigenous technological prowess. The investigation offers Iran a blueprint inspired by India’s recalibration of defense cooperation following the 2014 Russo-Ukraine conflict, aiming to guide Iran towards a more resilient and self-reliant defense posture.
{"title":"Enhancing neorealism: Lessons from India-Russia defense cooperation for Iran in the aftermath of the 2014 Russo-Ukraine conflict","authors":"Ali Emamifar, Bahareh Sazmand, Maziar Mozaffari Falarti","doi":"10.1177/18793665231224486","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665231224486","url":null,"abstract":"The enduring conflict in Ukraine has resonated globally, significantly impacting international security and diplomatic dynamics, particularly in the arena of military and defense cooperation. This study meticulously examines the aftermath of the conflict, focusing on its implications for the established defense partnership between Russia and India. By scrutinizing pertinent literature and primary sources, this study investigates the reverberations of the Ukraine conflict on Russia-India defense cooperation since 2014. It evaluates how India’s defense procurement strategies have adapted, discerning a deliberate shift towards diversification of defense suppliers beyond Russia. This study also emphasizes that Iran should heed the lessons emanating from the India-Russia defense cooperation outlook. It advocates for Iran to diversify its arms suppliers, heavily invest in its domestic defense industry, and significantly reduce its dependency on Russian weapons. By drawing parallels with India’s post-conflict defense evolution, Iran can chart a trajectory towards bolstering its own defense capabilities autonomously. This necessitates fostering a broader spectrum of international partnerships while concurrently enhancing its indigenous technological prowess. The investigation offers Iran a blueprint inspired by India’s recalibration of defense cooperation following the 2014 Russo-Ukraine conflict, aiming to guide Iran towards a more resilient and self-reliant defense posture.","PeriodicalId":509241,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"51 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139149817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-29DOI: 10.1177/18793665231217303
Jiyoun Park, Boram Shin
In the era of digital transformation, the structure and application of economic sanctions have evolved, expanding from traditional trade embargoes to sophisticated digital and financial sanctions. The recent conflict in Ukraine triggered a spectrum of responses from the Western powers, targeting Russia’s digital sectors. The sanctions include restrictions on quantum computing, IT services, manufacturing, aerospace technology, and other measures that may impede the country’s digital transformation. This study aims to understand if these emerging digital-technology related measures can be perceived as a novel form of economic sanctions and to explore the potential economic implications for Russia. Two primary research questions are addressed in this paper: First, we ask whether sanctions targeting digital technology and development can be seen as an advanced form of economic sanctions, and what would be the subsequent economic losses incurred by Russia. We also explore possible Russian responds or adapt to these economic pressures. As digital transformation continues to revolutionise economies globally, this research posits that digital-technology sanctions hold substantial economic ramifications for targeted countries. By analysing the features and outcomes of the recent sanctions against Russia, the study provides insights into the evolving landscape of sanctions mechanisms and diplomacy in the digital age.
{"title":"Conceptualizing digital sanctions as a new type of economic sanctions in the digital era: Digital-related sanctions measures against Russia and their consequences","authors":"Jiyoun Park, Boram Shin","doi":"10.1177/18793665231217303","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665231217303","url":null,"abstract":"In the era of digital transformation, the structure and application of economic sanctions have evolved, expanding from traditional trade embargoes to sophisticated digital and financial sanctions. The recent conflict in Ukraine triggered a spectrum of responses from the Western powers, targeting Russia’s digital sectors. The sanctions include restrictions on quantum computing, IT services, manufacturing, aerospace technology, and other measures that may impede the country’s digital transformation. This study aims to understand if these emerging digital-technology related measures can be perceived as a novel form of economic sanctions and to explore the potential economic implications for Russia. Two primary research questions are addressed in this paper: First, we ask whether sanctions targeting digital technology and development can be seen as an advanced form of economic sanctions, and what would be the subsequent economic losses incurred by Russia. We also explore possible Russian responds or adapt to these economic pressures. As digital transformation continues to revolutionise economies globally, this research posits that digital-technology sanctions hold substantial economic ramifications for targeted countries. By analysing the features and outcomes of the recent sanctions against Russia, the study provides insights into the evolving landscape of sanctions mechanisms and diplomacy in the digital age.","PeriodicalId":509241,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139212509","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-16DOI: 10.1177/18793665231215799
Mariya Muratova, Houman Sadri, Zhanar Medeubayeva, A. Issayeva
In the article, the authors analyze the state of relations between the EU and Kazakhstan in recent times, taking into account the adjustments in global economic relations, transport, and logistics routes in Eurasia, resulting from the war in Ukraine. The difficulties in their partnership stem primarily from the lack of an alternative to the Northern route. The authors examine these challenges and the prospects of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR) to provide that alternative. Special attention is paid to the EU’s “Global Gateway” program, initiated at the end of 2022, representing a new milestone in the relations between the EU and the Central-Asian countries, especially Kazakhstan. This program is in direct competition with China’s “Belt and Road” project, such that a comparison will reveal its opportunities. As will be discussed, one of the most important areas for such cooperation is Kazakhstan’s energy sector, including the development of green hydrogen, by which the EU aims to diversify its suppliers. The article concludes that while the consequences of the war in Ukraine have challenged the economic partnership between Kazakhstan and the EU, they have opened up new areas for its strengthening. The European Union, for its part, is deepening its involvement in Kazakhstan and Central Asia, focusing on regionalization, the ecologization of economic systems and relations, and quality management.
{"title":"The EU and Kazakhstan in the latest geopolitical and geoeconomic conditions: New dimensions of partnership","authors":"Mariya Muratova, Houman Sadri, Zhanar Medeubayeva, A. Issayeva","doi":"10.1177/18793665231215799","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665231215799","url":null,"abstract":"In the article, the authors analyze the state of relations between the EU and Kazakhstan in recent times, taking into account the adjustments in global economic relations, transport, and logistics routes in Eurasia, resulting from the war in Ukraine. The difficulties in their partnership stem primarily from the lack of an alternative to the Northern route. The authors examine these challenges and the prospects of the Trans-Caspian International Transport Route (TITR) to provide that alternative. Special attention is paid to the EU’s “Global Gateway” program, initiated at the end of 2022, representing a new milestone in the relations between the EU and the Central-Asian countries, especially Kazakhstan. This program is in direct competition with China’s “Belt and Road” project, such that a comparison will reveal its opportunities. As will be discussed, one of the most important areas for such cooperation is Kazakhstan’s energy sector, including the development of green hydrogen, by which the EU aims to diversify its suppliers. The article concludes that while the consequences of the war in Ukraine have challenged the economic partnership between Kazakhstan and the EU, they have opened up new areas for its strengthening. The European Union, for its part, is deepening its involvement in Kazakhstan and Central Asia, focusing on regionalization, the ecologization of economic systems and relations, and quality management.","PeriodicalId":509241,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"56 3","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139267808","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-16DOI: 10.1177/18793665231215802
Darko B. Vukovic, Vladislav Spitsin, Elena Akerman, Irina Gammerschmidt
In a study of 74 Russian regions over the period of 2013–2018, this paper demonstrates that economic, social, and ecological dimensions of the triple bottom line triad positively and significantly affect regional development, thus validating the growing emphasis on sustainable development found in the literature and among policymakers. Investments in research and development, the creation of new firms, reductions in poverty rates, and lowering emission intensity lead to regional development. The study develops four models to analyze the regional resource allocation efficiency in relation to the economic, social, and ecological goals of sustainable development. To assess regional development, this paper calculates the technical efficiency of the regions concerning technological frontiers using Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA). As one of our variables (the border region dummy) is time-invariant, the study chose to estimate models with the help of a random effects estimator. The effects of startup rates and ecological factors are moderated by the per capita income within the region. The results suggest that the triple bottom line agenda is justified as a regional development paradigm.
{"title":"Triple Bottom Line, Sustainability, and Regional Development","authors":"Darko B. Vukovic, Vladislav Spitsin, Elena Akerman, Irina Gammerschmidt","doi":"10.1177/18793665231215802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/18793665231215802","url":null,"abstract":"In a study of 74 Russian regions over the period of 2013–2018, this paper demonstrates that economic, social, and ecological dimensions of the triple bottom line triad positively and significantly affect regional development, thus validating the growing emphasis on sustainable development found in the literature and among policymakers. Investments in research and development, the creation of new firms, reductions in poverty rates, and lowering emission intensity lead to regional development. The study develops four models to analyze the regional resource allocation efficiency in relation to the economic, social, and ecological goals of sustainable development. To assess regional development, this paper calculates the technical efficiency of the regions concerning technological frontiers using Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA). As one of our variables (the border region dummy) is time-invariant, the study chose to estimate models with the help of a random effects estimator. The effects of startup rates and ecological factors are moderated by the per capita income within the region. The results suggest that the triple bottom line agenda is justified as a regional development paradigm.","PeriodicalId":509241,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Eurasian Studies","volume":"26 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139268895","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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