Pub Date : 2024-07-24DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i2.10105
Ibnu Andy Wicaksana
This article examines the operation of Pancasila, the Indonesian state ideology, in school courses in an Indonesian school in the Netherlands, “Sekolah Indonesia Den Haag” (SIDH). It aims to examine the way Pancasila is taught at SIDH, whether it functions as political education or political indoctrination. The study was conducted using qualitative data analysis, with data from interviews and field observations. The findings show that the way Pancasila is taught at SIDH is a dynamic process consisting of both cultural value and critical engagement to help students understand Indonesia's cultural heritage and instill national identity. The findings also indicate that Pancasila is taught as political education, predominantly relying on rote memorisation and prescribed textbooks, within the context of Dutch liberal cultural values. This leads to identity conflicts among the students. The findings in this study can inform policymaking in education and the formulation of curriculum. For example, to promote a more holistic understanding among students, we can foster critical thinking and open dialogue and encourage interdisciplinary exploration. Investing in teacher professional development may also facilitate meaningful teaching beyond nationalistic symbolism.
本文探讨了 "潘查希拉 "这一印尼国家意识形态在荷兰一所印尼学校 "Sekolah Indonesia Den Haag"（SIDH）的学校课程中的运作情况。本研究旨在探讨 SIDH 教授 "潘查希拉 "的方式，以及它是作为政治教育还是政治灌输发挥作用。研究采用定性数据分析方法，数据来自访谈和实地观察。研究结果表明，印尼国际发展学院教授潘查希拉的方式是一个动态过程，既包含文化价值，也包含批判性参与，以帮助学生了解印尼的文化遗产并灌输国家认同。研究结果还表明，在荷兰自由文化价值观的背景下，潘查希拉是作为政治教育来教授的，主要依靠死记硬背和规定的教科书。这导致了学生之间的身份认同冲突。本研究的结果可为教育决策和课程制定提供参考。例如，为了促进学生更全面地理解，我们可以培养批判性思维和开放式对话，鼓励跨学科探索。对教师职业发展的投资也可以促进超越民族主义象征意义的有意义教学。
{"title":"Pancasila in National Curriculum: Political Education or Doctrination?","authors":"Ibnu Andy Wicaksana","doi":"10.22146/pcd.v11i2.10105","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v11i2.10105","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines the operation of Pancasila, the Indonesian state ideology, in school courses in an Indonesian school in the Netherlands, “Sekolah Indonesia Den Haag” (SIDH). It aims to examine the way Pancasila is taught at SIDH, whether it functions as political education or political indoctrination. The study was conducted using qualitative data analysis, with data from interviews and field observations. The findings show that the way Pancasila is taught at SIDH is a dynamic process consisting of both cultural value and critical engagement to help students understand Indonesia's cultural heritage and instill national identity. The findings also indicate that Pancasila is taught as political education, predominantly relying on rote memorisation and prescribed textbooks, within the context of Dutch liberal cultural values. This leads to identity conflicts among the students. The findings in this study can inform policymaking in education and the formulation of curriculum. For example, to promote a more holistic understanding among students, we can foster critical thinking and open dialogue and encourage interdisciplinary exploration. Investing in teacher professional development may also facilitate meaningful teaching beyond nationalistic symbolism.","PeriodicalId":513008,"journal":{"name":"PCD Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-07-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141809772","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-25DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i2.11504
Handrianus Koli Belolon
In mass media, such as films, the Papuan region and people are still regarded as “the other", for example, portrayed as a people and region that needs to be civilized through various approaches. In addition, Papua is rich in natural wealth and culture, but instead of bringing prosperity, it become a source of new conflicts that threaten the existence and survival of the environment and the Papuan. This condition encourages young Papuan filmmakers and members of the Papuan Voices (PV) community to create an alternative narrative about Papua. Through documentaries produced collectively, they aim to present another side of Papua from the perspective of the Papuans. Using a poststructuralism approach elaborated with Gramsci's theory of hegemony, this study aims to explore the dynamics of collective identity formation and efforts to create counter-narratives as part of a counter-hegemony movement, namely by criticizing inequality and instilling solidarity for Papua. The analysis shows that the formation of PV’s collective identity is based on the history of Papuan suffering memories (memoria passionis) related to the experiences of injustice.
{"title":"From Collective Identity to Counter-Hegemony","authors":"Handrianus Koli Belolon","doi":"10.22146/pcd.v11i2.11504","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v11i2.11504","url":null,"abstract":"In mass media, such as films, the Papuan region and people are still regarded as “the other\", for example, portrayed as a people and region that needs to be civilized through various approaches. In addition, Papua is rich in natural wealth and culture, but instead of bringing prosperity, it become a source of new conflicts that threaten the existence and survival of the environment and the Papuan. This condition encourages young Papuan filmmakers and members of the Papuan Voices (PV) community to create an alternative narrative about Papua. Through documentaries produced collectively, they aim to present another side of Papua from the perspective of the Papuans. Using a poststructuralism approach elaborated with Gramsci's theory of hegemony, this study aims to explore the dynamics of collective identity formation and efforts to create counter-narratives as part of a counter-hegemony movement, namely by criticizing inequality and instilling solidarity for Papua. The analysis shows that the formation of PV’s collective identity is based on the history of Papuan suffering memories (memoria passionis) related to the experiences of injustice.","PeriodicalId":513008,"journal":{"name":"PCD Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140658094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-16DOI: 10.22146/pcd.v11i2.10191
Alfath Bagus Panuntun El Nur Indonesia, Gilang Ramadhan
This article shows the stigmatization of Papuan youth in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY). The Papuan youth in this research is represented by a youth organization called The Mappi and Puncak Griya Sekar Aji Family Association (Ikatan Keluarga Mappi dan Puncak Griya Sekar Aji - IKMP GSA), which has made extensive efforts to create a unique identity of the indigenous people of Papua or Orang Asli Papua (OAPs) through various initiatives, such as social contributions and participation in popular culture. This study’s extensive ethnographic data over four years revealed that OAPs gradually deconstruct the prevailing negative stereotypes attached to Papuan students in DIY. The success could be attributed to OAPs’ collective efforts in establishing and running IKMP GSA. The members also exhibit a high level of self-awareness and actively participate in social activities and mainstream cultural elements in their daily lives. The results provide empirical evidence of effective, repeatable strategies to help improve Papuan students’ social lives across Indonesia.
本文展示了日惹特区（DIY）的巴布亚青年被污名化的情况。本研究中的巴布亚青年以一个名为 "马皮和蓬卡格里亚-塞卡尔-阿吉家庭协会"（Ikatan Keluarga Mappi dan Puncak Griya Sekar Aji - IKMP GSA）的青年组织为代表，该组织通过各种举措，如社会贡献和参与流行文化等，为创建巴布亚原住民或巴布亚奥朗阿斯利人（Orang Asli Papua，OAPs）的独特身份做出了大量努力。本研究通过四年来大量的人种学数据发现，OAPs 逐步解构了 DIY 中普遍存在的对巴布亚学生的负面刻板印象。这一成功归功于 OAPs 在建立和管理 IKMP GSA 过程中的集体努力。成员们还表现出高度的自我意识，并积极参与社会活动和日常生活中的主流文化元素。研究结果为帮助改善印度尼西亚巴布亚学生的社会生活提供了有效的、可重复的策略的经验证据。
{"title":"Resisting the Stigma of Being Papuan","authors":"Alfath Bagus Panuntun El Nur Indonesia, Gilang Ramadhan","doi":"10.22146/pcd.v11i2.10191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v11i2.10191","url":null,"abstract":"This article shows the stigmatization of Papuan youth in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY). The Papuan youth in this research is represented by a youth organization called The Mappi and Puncak Griya Sekar Aji Family Association (Ikatan Keluarga Mappi dan Puncak Griya Sekar Aji - IKMP GSA), which has made extensive efforts to create a unique identity of the indigenous people of Papua or Orang Asli Papua (OAPs) through various initiatives, such as social contributions and participation in popular culture. This study’s extensive ethnographic data over four years revealed that OAPs gradually deconstruct the prevailing negative stereotypes attached to Papuan students in DIY. The success could be attributed to OAPs’ collective efforts in establishing and running IKMP GSA. The members also exhibit a high level of self-awareness and actively participate in social activities and mainstream cultural elements in their daily lives. The results provide empirical evidence of effective, repeatable strategies to help improve Papuan students’ social lives across Indonesia.","PeriodicalId":513008,"journal":{"name":"PCD Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140698372","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Through the implementation of the Village Law in 2014, the Indonesian government seeks to promote rural development and village autonomy by decentralizing power. The 2014 Village Law has two important points: the village fund and the extension of a village head’s term. This article tested to what extent the village fund has impacted the village head election and whether the village fund has improved villagers’ political participation in running for the village head election. The method used in this study is quantitative through a survey of 96 random village head candidates in the 2016 village head election in 117 villages in Banjar Regency, South Kalimantan. The findings show that the village funds have an impact on the quality of the nomination of village heads and facilitate the public’s involvement in the election. This phenomenon underscores the importance of village funds in encouraging democratic practices and the grassroots community’s participation in village governance. Changes in regulations of village fund implementation influence the participation of village residents in running for village head election, encouraging them to participate in the democratic process at the village level.
{"title":"The Impact of Indonesia’s Village Fund (Dana Desa) on Village Head Election","authors":"Khairullah Anshari, Said Khaidir, Marthalina","doi":"10.22146/pcd.v11i2.9977","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v11i2.9977","url":null,"abstract":"Through the implementation of the Village Law in 2014, the Indonesian government seeks to promote rural development and village autonomy by decentralizing power. The 2014 Village Law has two important points: the village fund and the extension of a village head’s term. This article tested to what extent the village fund has impacted the village head election and whether the village fund has improved villagers’ political participation in running for the village head election. The method used in this study is quantitative through a survey of 96 random village head candidates in the 2016 village head election in 117 villages in Banjar Regency, South Kalimantan. The findings show that the village funds have an impact on the quality of the nomination of village heads and facilitate the public’s involvement in the election. This phenomenon underscores the importance of village funds in encouraging democratic practices and the grassroots community’s participation in village governance. Changes in regulations of village fund implementation influence the participation of village residents in running for village head election, encouraging them to participate in the democratic process at the village level.","PeriodicalId":513008,"journal":{"name":"PCD Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140695531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bangkit Adhi Wiguna, Dhivana Anarchia Ria Lay, Diana Mayasari, Edo Christian Leonard
Political parties play an important role in aggregating people's interests, including in the formulation of the New Energy and Renewable Energy Bill (RUU EBET) or the EBET Bill, both at the central and regional levels. This study aims to look at the dynamics between the three faces of a political party, namely the party in the public office, central office, and at the grassroots level (Katz & Mair 1993), during the formulation of RUU EBET or the EBET Bill. Using the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) as a case study, this research finds that parties in the public and central office actually depoliticize the roles of parties at the grassroots level. This depoliticization manifests itself in three ways: (1) assumptions about the inability of party structures at the regional level to discuss the EBET issues, (2) not including the interests of developing EBET at the regional level as part of the EBET Bill, and (3) narrow definitions and restrictions of the EBET Bill as a central and elite issue.
无论是在中央层面还是在地区层面，政党在聚合人民利益方面都发挥着重要作用，包括在制定《新能源和可再生能源法案》（RUU EBET）或《EBET 法案》的过程中。本研究旨在探讨在制定《RUU EBET 法案》或《EBET 法案》的过程中，政党的三张面孔（即公职部门、中央办公室和基层的政党）之间的动态关系（Katz & Mair 1993）。本研究以繁荣正义党（PKS）为案例，发现公共和中央办公室中的政党实际上将基层政党的角色非政治化了。这种非政治化表现在三个方面：（1）假定地区层面的政党结构无法讨论 EBET 问题；（2）未将地区层面发展 EBET 的利益作为 EBET 法案的一部分；（3）将 EBET 法案狭隘地定义为中央和精英议题并加以限制。
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Bangkit Adhi Wiguna, Dhivana Anarchia Ria Lay, Diana Mayasari, Edo Christian Leonard
Political parties play an important role in aggregating people's interests, including in the formulation of the New Energy and Renewable Energy Bill (RUU EBET) or the EBET Bill, both at the central and regional levels. This study aims to look at the dynamics between the three faces of a political party, namely the party in the public office, central office, and at the grassroots level (Katz & Mair 1993), during the formulation of RUU EBET or the EBET Bill. Using the Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) as a case study, this research finds that parties in the public and central office actually depoliticize the roles of parties at the grassroots level. This depoliticization manifests itself in three ways: (1) assumptions about the inability of party structures at the regional level to discuss the EBET issues, (2) not including the interests of developing EBET at the regional level as part of the EBET Bill, and (3) narrow definitions and restrictions of the EBET Bill as a central and elite issue.
无论是在中央层面还是在地区层面，政党在聚合人民利益方面都发挥着重要作用，包括在制定《新能源和可再生能源法案》（RUU EBET）或《EBET 法案》的过程中。本研究旨在探讨在制定《RUU EBET 法案》或《EBET 法案》的过程中，政党的三张面孔（即公职部门、中央办公室和基层的政党）之间的动态关系（Katz & Mair 1993）。本研究以繁荣正义党（PKS）为案例，发现公共和中央办公室中的政党实际上将基层政党的角色非政治化了。这种非政治化表现在三个方面：（1）假定地区层面的政党结构无法讨论 EBET 问题；（2）未将地区层面发展 EBET 的利益作为 EBET 法案的一部分；（3）将 EBET 法案狭隘地定义为中央和精英议题并加以限制。
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Maulida Rita Widyana, A. Salsabila, Herry Pragus Yeuyanan
This research discusses the discourse related to the mining of andesite stone for the construction of the Bener Dam in Purworejo, Central Java, as part of the National Strategic Project. The discourse constructed among actors is highly diverse. The dominant discourse is led by the government, which views the use of the forest for environmentalism for profit, while local residents see the forest as environmentalism for nature. Michel Foucault's discourse theory on the production of knowledge and power underscores the discourses brought forth by the government, the community, and NGOs. Meanwhile, Anja Nygren's concept of environmental discourse complements the various discourses that have emerged. The objective of this research is to observe the dynamics and discourse constructed by pro and contra actors regarding the construction of the Bener Dam. The research utilizes both primary and secondary data, with primary data obtained through direct interviews with sources such as Indonesian Forum for the Environment of Yogyakarta, Community Movement for Environmental Care in Wadas Village (GEMPADEWA), and Legal Aid Institute of Yogyakarta. The conclusion drawn from this research is that the dominant discourse constructed by the government can influence public opinion, especially through negotiations that lead to mutually beneficial agreements.
{"title":"Environmentalism for Nature to Environmentalism for Profit","authors":"Maulida Rita Widyana, A. Salsabila, Herry Pragus Yeuyanan","doi":"10.22146/pcd.v11i1.7602","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v11i1.7602","url":null,"abstract":"This research discusses the discourse related to the mining of andesite stone for the construction of the Bener Dam in Purworejo, Central Java, as part of the National Strategic Project. The discourse constructed among actors is highly diverse. The dominant discourse is led by the government, which views the use of the forest for environmentalism for profit, while local residents see the forest as environmentalism for nature. Michel Foucault's discourse theory on the production of knowledge and power underscores the discourses brought forth by the government, the community, and NGOs. Meanwhile, Anja Nygren's concept of environmental discourse complements the various discourses that have emerged. The objective of this research is to observe the dynamics and discourse constructed by pro and contra actors regarding the construction of the Bener Dam. The research utilizes both primary and secondary data, with primary data obtained through direct interviews with sources such as Indonesian Forum for the Environment of Yogyakarta, Community Movement for Environmental Care in Wadas Village (GEMPADEWA), and Legal Aid Institute of Yogyakarta. The conclusion drawn from this research is that the dominant discourse constructed by the government can influence public opinion, especially through negotiations that lead to mutually beneficial agreements.","PeriodicalId":513008,"journal":{"name":"PCD Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140482250","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article seeks to understand the role of populist ideology in marginalizing the agrarian sector and the agrarian populism movement in Indonesia in the Reformation Era. Indonesia is an agricultural country, so such marginalization and the limited involvement of the agrarian movement is ironic. Development studies see the marginalization of the agrarian sector as a consequence of the reorientation of economic development towards the industrial and service sectors, mostly in urban areas. Studies like this often do not look at the political side of the marginalization. This study aims to fill this gap by analyzing the phenomenon in Indonesia utilizing Margaret Canovan’s populist approach. The findings show the influence of political populism on the marginalization of the agrarian sector in the reformation era in Indonesia. Pragmatic, populist leaders exploited ‘the people’ as a political rhetorical tool to gain power without touching the agricultural sector where ‘the people’ reside.
{"title":"Indonesian Political Populism in the Agrarian Sector","authors":"Faiz Kasyfilham","doi":"10.22146/pcd.v11i1.7252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v11i1.7252","url":null,"abstract":"This article seeks to understand the role of populist ideology in marginalizing the agrarian sector and the agrarian populism movement in Indonesia in the Reformation Era. Indonesia is an agricultural country, so such marginalization and the limited involvement of the agrarian movement is ironic. Development studies see the marginalization of the agrarian sector as a consequence of the reorientation of economic development towards the industrial and service sectors, mostly in urban areas. Studies like this often do not look at the political side of the marginalization. This study aims to fill this gap by analyzing the phenomenon in Indonesia utilizing Margaret Canovan’s populist approach. The findings show the influence of political populism on the marginalization of the agrarian sector in the reformation era in Indonesia. Pragmatic, populist leaders exploited ‘the people’ as a political rhetorical tool to gain power without touching the agricultural sector where ‘the people’ reside.","PeriodicalId":513008,"journal":{"name":"PCD Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139531962","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In January 2021, President Joko Widodo signed the National Action Plan for Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism that Leads to Terrorism (Presidential Regulation Number 7/2021). The increasing threats of violent extremism and terrorism make ratification of this policy urgent. The policy seeks to coordinate government and stakeholders against terrorism in Indonesia. The policy formulation demonstrates the resolve to engage the entire government and society. One of them is the roles of civil society organizations (CSOs). This study aims to describe the roles of the Wahid Foundation, C-SAVE, and Inklusif Foundation in formulating Presidential Regulation Number 7/2021. This qualitative study uses Arnstein's ladder participation as its conceptual framework. This study showed that the Wahid Foundation and the government are partners. In comparison, the C-SAVE and the Inklusif Foundation contribute to the level of tokenism. The Inklusif Foundation is only in the consultation or deliberation phase. However, despite the three CSOs having distinct work foci and levels of involvement, they have all contributed to the impetus behind the promulgation of this policy.
{"title":"The Role of Civil Society Organizations in The Formulation of Presidential Regulation Number 7 of 2021 on Violent Extremism in Indonesia during the Period of 2020-2024","authors":"Tarikem Saryam, S. K. Ragamustari, N. Kurniawan","doi":"10.22146/pcd.v11i1.8974","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v11i1.8974","url":null,"abstract":"In January 2021, President Joko Widodo signed the National Action Plan for Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism that Leads to Terrorism (Presidential Regulation Number 7/2021). The increasing threats of violent extremism and terrorism make ratification of this policy urgent. The policy seeks to coordinate government and stakeholders against terrorism in Indonesia. The policy formulation demonstrates the resolve to engage the entire government and society. One of them is the roles of civil society organizations (CSOs). This study aims to describe the roles of the Wahid Foundation, C-SAVE, and Inklusif Foundation in formulating Presidential Regulation Number 7/2021. This qualitative study uses Arnstein's ladder participation as its conceptual framework. This study showed that the Wahid Foundation and the government are partners. In comparison, the C-SAVE and the Inklusif Foundation contribute to the level of tokenism. The Inklusif Foundation is only in the consultation or deliberation phase. However, despite the three CSOs having distinct work foci and levels of involvement, they have all contributed to the impetus behind the promulgation of this policy.","PeriodicalId":513008,"journal":{"name":"PCD Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139533002","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nicolas Kriswinara Astanujati, Ghea Anissah Trinanda
This article explores institutionalization challenges in the National Democrats (NasDem) Party in promoting the Renewable Energy Bill, viewed from the party’s three faces. NasDem is strategically involved in policy decision-making in the Indonesian parliament, but the three faces of the party are yet to be seen. Despite being established over a decade ago, the direction of institutionalization is still transforming, especially in the linkage between public office and the party at the grassroots. The research question is: How do the three faces of the party in NasDem impact the challenges of institutionalization? Drawing from the Renewable Energy Bill case studies, we argue that three challenges exist. First, a personalistic party’s strong influence leads to failure in two-way communications, especially at the grassroots. Second, the vision of the renewable energy law was notimplemented at the grassroots because the party had to focus on regional policies. Third, although the renewable energy vision has not been fully implemented, the idea of ‘green politics’ has been realized by the party wing at the grassroots through the political education program.
{"title":"Challenges on Party Institutionalization: The Broken Linkage of Three Faces of Party in the National Democrats on Promoting Renewable Energy Bill","authors":"Nicolas Kriswinara Astanujati, Ghea Anissah Trinanda","doi":"10.22146/pcd.v11i1.9571","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.22146/pcd.v11i1.9571","url":null,"abstract":"This article explores institutionalization challenges in the National Democrats (NasDem) Party in promoting the Renewable Energy Bill, viewed from the party’s three faces. NasDem is strategically involved in policy decision-making in the Indonesian parliament, but the three faces of the party are yet to be seen. Despite being established over a decade ago, the direction of institutionalization is still transforming, especially in the linkage between public office and the party at the grassroots. The research question is: How do the three faces of the party in NasDem impact the challenges of institutionalization? Drawing from the Renewable Energy Bill case studies, we argue that three challenges exist. First, a personalistic party’s strong influence leads to failure in two-way communications, especially at the grassroots. Second, the vision of the renewable energy law was notimplemented at the grassroots because the party had to focus on regional policies. Third, although the renewable energy vision has not been fully implemented, the idea of ‘green politics’ has been realized by the party wing at the grassroots through the political education program.","PeriodicalId":513008,"journal":{"name":"PCD Journal","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139386041","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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