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Growth models and the comparative political economy of Europe 欧洲的增长模式和比较政治经济学
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-12-14 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00372-2
Aidan Regan
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引用次数: 0
Fixing the boundary of a nation: how the European Union influences nationalism in contemporary Europe 确定国家的边界:欧洲联盟如何影响当代欧洲的民族主义
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-30 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00371-3
Samuel A. T. Johnston
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引用次数: 0
Understanding public attitudes during Covid-19 in France with Polanyi and Gramsci: a political economy of an epidemiological and economic disaster 用波兰尼和葛兰西理解 19 世纪法国科维德事件期间公众的态度:一场流行病和经济灾难的政治经济学研究
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00369-x
Emanuele Ferragina, Andrew Zola, Marta Pasqualini, E. Recchi
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引用次数: 0
Trick or treaty? An empirical analysis of the treaty ratification process in Italy 诡计还是条约?对意大利条约批准程序的实证分析
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-11-20 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00370-4
V. Vignoli, Edoardo Corradi
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引用次数: 0
The strange bedfellows of populism and liberalism: the effect of populist attitudes on the perception of the COVID-19 pandemic and policies to contain it 民粹主义和自由主义的奇怪同床异梦:民粹主义态度对COVID-19大流行的看法和遏制政策的影响
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-23 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00367-z
Reinhard Heinisch, Annika Werner
Abstract The COVID-19 pandemic has had a significant impact on everyday life, where people feel affected both economically and health-wise by the spread of the novel virus, regardless of whether they have contracted it or not. At the same time, we know that populist attitudes influence how people perceive their individual situation, the political environment, and available policy solutions. Are these two factors interrelated? This article examines the role that populist attitudes play (a) in subjective feelings of being affected by the COVID-19 pandemic and (b) in choosing policies to counteract its spread. Populist attitudes may lead people to reject the policy-making process during the COVID-19 pandemic, shaped primarily by experts. The article argues that this should increase the sense of concern among people with populist orientations and lead to a rejection of commonly discussed policies to contain the virus. To test this connection empirically, we conducted a representative survey in Austria in September 2020. Our analysis shows a significant and substantive correlation between populist attitudes and the subjective feeling of being affected by the crisis in the areas of health and the economy. Similarly, we find evidence that populist attitudes affect the acceptability of policies to combat the spread of COVID-19. These findings indicate that populist attitudes have such strong effects on individuals’ perception of the world that they even influence the perception of the globally shared challenge of a pandemic.
COVID-19大流行对日常生活产生了重大影响,人们无论是否感染了这种新型病毒,都感到经济和健康受到了影响。与此同时,我们知道民粹主义态度会影响人们对个人处境、政治环境和现有政策解决方案的看法。这两个因素是否相互关联?本文探讨了民粹主义态度在以下方面所起的作用:(a)在受COVID-19大流行影响的主观感受方面,以及(b)在选择应对其传播的政策方面。民粹主义态度可能导致人们拒绝在COVID-19大流行期间主要由专家制定的决策过程。这篇文章认为,这应该增加具有民粹主义倾向的人的担忧感,并导致拒绝普遍讨论的遏制病毒的政策。为了从实证上检验这种联系,我们于2020年9月在奥地利进行了一项有代表性的调查。我们的分析表明,民粹主义态度与在卫生和经济领域受到危机影响的主观感受之间存在重大而实质性的相关性。同样,我们发现有证据表明,民粹主义态度影响了应对COVID-19传播的政策的可接受性。这些调查结果表明,民粹主义态度对个人对世界的看法产生了如此强烈的影响,甚至影响了人们对全球共同面临的流行病挑战的看法。
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引用次数: 0
Building Euro area bodies: the institutionalisation of differentiated integration in economic and monetary union 构建欧元区机构:经济和货币联盟差异化一体化的制度化
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-29 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00368-y
Alexander Schilin
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引用次数: 0
Access, capacity and influence 准入、能力和影响力
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00366-0
Nadja S. Kühn, Jarle Trondal
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引用次数: 0
The imitation game: indirect European Union influence on municipal officials’ attitudes towards elite corruption and informal payments 模仿游戏:欧盟对市政官员对待精英腐败和非正式支付态度的间接影响
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-19 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00362-4
Indraneel Sircar
Abstract The European Union has sought to democratise its post-communist neighbours for the past three decades, starting with Central and Eastern Europe after 1989. Since the end of the wars in Former Yugoslavia in 2000, the EU first pursued closer integration with the Western Balkans followed by the goal of enlargement. However, despite intensive EU involvement, the fight against corruption has stagnated or deteriorated in post-communist Europe, particularly in Former Yugoslavia. The central question in the article is whether indirect EU influence has led municipal officials—who are at the front line of vital distributive decision-making for citizens at the local level—to imitate (or emulate) attitudes related to corruption and to informality in line with EU norms. The article focuses on the case of Serbia, where anti-corruption progress has been particularly slow. Using a survey of Serbian municipal officials, the article examines whether indirect EU influence via involvement in policy implementation affected attitudes towards informal payments, and through a vignette-based survey experiment, whether those involved in EU-compliant policy implementation are less accepting of local political elite corruption.
在过去的三十年里,欧盟一直在寻求其后共产主义邻国的民主化,1989年后从中欧和东欧开始。自2000年前南斯拉夫战争结束以来,欧盟首先寻求与西巴尔干地区更紧密的一体化,然后是扩大目标。然而,尽管欧盟积极参与,后共产主义时代的欧洲,特别是前南斯拉夫,反腐败斗争停滞不前或恶化。这篇文章的核心问题是,欧盟的间接影响是否导致了市政官员——他们在地方层面上对公民的重要分配决策处于第一线——模仿(或模仿)与腐败和非正式行为有关的态度,以符合欧盟的规范。这篇文章关注的是塞尔维亚的情况,那里的反腐败进展特别缓慢。通过对塞尔维亚市政官员的调查,本文研究了欧盟通过参与政策实施而产生的间接影响是否影响了对非正式支付的态度,并通过基于小插曲的调查实验,研究了那些参与欧盟合规政策实施的人是否更不接受当地政治精英的腐败。
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引用次数: 0
A climate of optimism? EU policy-making, political science and the democratization of Central and Eastern Europe (2000–2015) 乐观的气氛?欧盟政策制定、政治学与中东欧民主化(2000-2015)
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-16 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00364-2
Lise Esther Herman, James Dawson, Aurelia Ananda
Abstract Democratic erosion in the EU’s Central and Eastern European (CEE) member states has confounded EU policy-makers. In this paper, we investigate the assumptions behind the climate of optimism about CEE democratization that prevailed in EU decision-making before and after the 5th and 6th enlargements, and the extent to which political science participated in this intellectual climate. Based on a qualitative analysis of EU decision-making in the early twenty-first century and a quantitative analysis of 500 randomly sampled papers published between 2000 and 2015, we find that both policy makers and the most influential research in political science shared a bias towards optimism structured by common assumptions: A procedural understanding of democracy, a rational institutionalist belief in the EU’s capacity to bring these procedures about with the use of incentives and the related assumption that sociocultural dimensions of democracy would eventually follow institutions. We argue that these common assumptions help to explain both the EU’s failure to pre-empt and respond proportionately to democratic erosion, and the failure of our discipline to check that optimism.
欧盟中欧和东欧(CEE)成员国的民主侵蚀令欧盟决策者感到困惑。在本文中,我们研究了在第五次和第六次欧盟扩大前后,中欧和东欧民主化的乐观气氛背后的假设,以及政治学参与这种知识气氛的程度。基于对21世纪初欧盟决策的定性分析和对2000年至2015年间发表的500篇随机抽样论文的定量分析,我们发现政策制定者和最具影响力的政治学研究都倾向于由共同假设构成的乐观主义:一种对民主的程序性理解,一种理性的制度主义信念,相信欧盟有能力通过使用激励机制来实现这些程序,并假设民主的社会文化维度最终会遵循制度。我们认为,这些共同的假设有助于解释欧盟未能先发制人并对民主侵蚀做出相应反应,以及我们的纪律未能遏制这种乐观情绪。
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引用次数: 0
Austerity and its alternatives in the European parliament: from the Eurozone crisis to the COVID-19 crisis 欧洲议会的紧缩及其替代方案:从欧元区危机到新冠肺炎危机
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-11 DOI: 10.1057/s41295-023-00363-3
Anna Elomäki
Abstract This article examines the role of the European parliament (EP) in providing ideational alternatives to austerity in the context of the Eurozone crisis and the COVID-19 crisis. Despite the EP’s limited formal role in EU economic governance, it is a key site for democratic debate and contestation. Analyzing EP debates about austerity allows us to understand the possibilities and limitations for ideational change at the EU level from the perspective of supranational party politics. Through a longitudinal analysis (2012–2021) of EP resolutions on the European Commission’s Annual Growth Surveys, the article asks how ideational battles around austerity have unfolded between the EP’s political groups and what factors have shaped the EP’s positions. Theoretically, the article draws on the literature on ideational political economy and discoursive institutionalism. The article argues that instead of providing alternatives, the EP and its Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs have contributed to the ideational hold of austerity due to the weakness of the alternatives of the center-left and their compatibility with austerity. Party-political and institutional factors, such as broad left/right compromises and a strict division of labor between the EP’s committees, further constrain ideational change.
本文探讨了欧洲议会(EP)在欧元区危机和2019冠状病毒病危机背景下为紧缩政策提供替代方案的作用。尽管欧洲议会在欧盟经济治理中的正式作用有限,但它是民主辩论和争论的关键场所。分析欧洲议会关于紧缩政策的辩论,使我们能够从超国家政党政治的角度理解欧盟层面观念变革的可能性和局限性。通过对欧盟委员会年度增长调查中欧洲议会决议的纵向分析(2012-2021),本文探讨了欧洲议会政治团体之间围绕紧缩政策的思想斗争是如何展开的,以及哪些因素塑造了欧洲议会的立场。理论上,本文借鉴了思想政治经济学和话语制度主义的相关文献。本文认为,欧洲议会及其经济和货币事务委员会(Committee on Economic and Monetary Affairs)没有提供替代方案,而是助长了紧缩政策的观念,因为中左翼替代方案的弱点及其与紧缩政策的兼容性。政党政治和制度因素,如广泛的左右妥协和欧洲议会委员会之间的严格分工,进一步限制了观念的变化。
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引用次数: 0
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Comparative European Politics
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