{"title":"Disentangling Bare Nouns and Nominals Introduced by a Partitive Article","authors":"D. Gerards, E. Stark, Tabea Ihsane","doi":"10.1163/9789004437500","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004437500","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"1 1","pages":"105-139"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/9789004437500","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64562420","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2012-04-17DOI: 10.1108/S0092-4563(2012)0000038012
M. Pujalte, Andrés Saab
This chapter focuses on the mechanism that determines the distribution of clitic insertion (CL-insertion) in a set of well-known argument alternations in Spanish (reflexives, anticausatives, and passives/impersonals). We claim that a clitic is inserted post-syntactically when v([EXT ARG]) is not merged with a DP in the syntax. The absence of a Spec, vP is due to the lack of phi-features on C or v. By adapting Muller's (2010) proposal that Merge is induced by subcategorization features, we argue that these features must be discharged at the morphological level for well-formedness conditions. If some of these features are not satisfied in the syntax, CL-insertion applies as a repair strategy to remove the surviving subcategorization feature. This is precisely the case in the empirical domain with which we are concerned: a v([EXT ARG]) that is not merged with any DP in the syntax induces CL-insertion at PF as a last resort operation. Such an operation is subject to strict locality conditions that determine morphological visibility for cyclic computation (Embick, 2010; Marvin, 2002). We will show that a restrictive theory of CL-insertion not only derives the basic distribution of some argument alternations, but also accounts for why CL-insertion can rescue external arguments but not internal ones. If our approach is on the right track, it follows that the notion of argument structure should be considered as an epiphenomenon and not as primitive of grammatical theory.
{"title":"SYNCRETISM AS PF-REPAIR: THE CASE OF SE-INSERTION IN SPANISH","authors":"M. Pujalte, Andrés Saab","doi":"10.1108/S0092-4563(2012)0000038012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1108/S0092-4563(2012)0000038012","url":null,"abstract":"This chapter focuses on the mechanism that determines the distribution of clitic insertion (CL-insertion) in a set of well-known argument alternations in Spanish (reflexives, anticausatives, and passives/impersonals). We claim that a clitic is inserted post-syntactically when v([EXT ARG]) is not merged with a DP in the syntax. The absence of a Spec, vP is due to the lack of phi-features on C or v. By adapting Muller's (2010) proposal that Merge is induced by subcategorization features, we argue that these features must be discharged at the morphological level for well-formedness conditions. If some of these features are not satisfied in the syntax, CL-insertion applies as a repair strategy to remove the surviving subcategorization feature. This is precisely the case in the empirical domain with which we are concerned: a v([EXT ARG]) that is not merged with any DP in the syntax induces CL-insertion at PF as a last resort operation. Such an operation is subject to strict locality conditions that determine morphological visibility for cyclic computation (Embick, 2010; Marvin, 2002). We will show that a restrictive theory of CL-insertion not only derives the basic distribution of some argument alternations, but also accounts for why CL-insertion can rescue external arguments but not internal ones. If our approach is on the right track, it follows that the notion of argument structure should be considered as an epiphenomenon and not as primitive of grammatical theory.","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"38 1","pages":"229-260"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2012-04-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"62304602","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-10-17DOI: 10.1016/S0092-4563(08)36008-5
G. D. Vogelaer, M. Devos
{"title":"8: On Geographical Adequacy, Or: How Many Types Of Subject Doubling In Dutch","authors":"G. D. Vogelaer, M. Devos","doi":"10.1016/S0092-4563(08)36008-5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1016/S0092-4563(08)36008-5","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"36 1","pages":"251-276"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"55833106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Syntactic doubling is the phenomenon in which a constituent, i.e., a morphosyntactic feature, morpheme, word or phrase, is expressed two or more times within a clause. Since such duplicates are often redundant in that they do not contribute to semantic interpretation, the question arises as to why they are possible or necessary. This theoretical question becomes even more urgent in view of the fact that closely related language varieties such as the dialects of one dialect family often differ with respect to the possibility of doubling. This book puts together seventeen papers on microvariation in syntactic doubling that deal with such theoretical issues. They provide a rich overview of the syntactic doubling phenomena attested so far and of the theoretical analyses that are currently available.The syntactic doubling phenomena discussed include, among others, subject pronoun doubling, WH pronoun doubling, possessive pronoun doubling, clitic doubling, expletive subjects, tense, mood and aspect doubling, auxiliary doubling, preposition doubling and negation doubling. Language varieties discussed in this book include Afrikaans, Alemannic, Bavarian, Tyrolean German, dialects of Dutch, dialects of Swedish, Norwegian, Danish and Faroese, colloquial Icelandic, colloquial Finnish, colloquial European and Brazilian Portuguese, Catalan, Argentinian Spanish, dialects of Italian, Rumanian, Albanian, Bulgarian, Serbo-Croatian, Pontic, Macedonian and Modern Greek.
{"title":"Microvariation in syntactic doubling","authors":"S. Barbiers, O. Koeneman, M. Lekakou, M. Ham","doi":"10.1163/9781848550216","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9781848550216","url":null,"abstract":"Syntactic doubling is the phenomenon in which a constituent, i.e., a morphosyntactic feature, morpheme, word or phrase, is expressed two or more times within a clause. Since such duplicates are often redundant in that they do not contribute to semantic interpretation, the question arises as to why they are possible or necessary. This theoretical question becomes even more urgent in view of the fact that closely related language varieties such as the dialects of one dialect family often differ with respect to the possibility of doubling. This book puts together seventeen papers on microvariation in syntactic doubling that deal with such theoretical issues. They provide a rich overview of the syntactic doubling phenomena attested so far and of the theoretical analyses that are currently available.The syntactic doubling phenomena discussed include, among others, subject pronoun doubling, WH pronoun doubling, possessive pronoun doubling, clitic doubling, expletive subjects, tense, mood and aspect doubling, auxiliary doubling, preposition doubling and negation doubling. Language varieties discussed in this book include Afrikaans, Alemannic, Bavarian, Tyrolean German, dialects of Dutch, dialects of Swedish, Norwegian, Danish and Faroese, colloquial Icelandic, colloquial Finnish, colloquial European and Brazilian Portuguese, Catalan, Argentinian Spanish, dialects of Italian, Rumanian, Albanian, Bulgarian, Serbo-Croatian, Pontic, Macedonian and Modern Greek.","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"https://sci-hub-pdf.com/10.1163/9781848550216","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64512036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2008-01-01DOI: 10.1163/9781848550216_002
S. Barbiers
The syntax of natural language can be defined as the set of rules or principles according to which morphosyntactic features are combined into morphemes, morphemes into words, words into phrases, and phrases into sentences. From this point of view, syntactic doubling is an unexpected phenomenon. In syntactic doubling, a constituent (i.e., a morphosyntactic feature, morpheme, word, or phrase) is expressed two or more times. Modern syntactic research has primarily focused on idealized idiolects, often standard languages. Doubling in adjectival phrases is found in comparative and superlative constructions. Preposition doubling is found in many language varieties. In wh-pronoun doubling a wh-constituent is doubled by another wh-constituent. In some languages, focus particles such as just, only, already, even can double. One function of doubling that has been suggested now and then in the literature is reinforcement of a phonetically weak or weakened element. Keywords: modern syntactic research; morpheme; morphosyntactic features; syntactic doubling; wh-constituent
{"title":"Microvariation In Syntactic Doubling — An Introduction","authors":"S. Barbiers","doi":"10.1163/9781848550216_002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9781848550216_002","url":null,"abstract":"The syntax of natural language can be defined as the set of rules or principles according to which morphosyntactic features are combined into morphemes, morphemes into words, words into phrases, and phrases into sentences. From this point of view, syntactic doubling is an unexpected phenomenon. In syntactic doubling, a constituent (i.e., a morphosyntactic feature, morpheme, word, or phrase) is expressed two or more times. Modern syntactic research has primarily focused on idealized idiolects, often standard languages. Doubling in adjectival phrases is found in comparative and superlative constructions. Preposition doubling is found in many language varieties. In wh-pronoun doubling a wh-constituent is doubled by another wh-constituent. In some languages, focus particles such as just, only, already, even can double. One function of doubling that has been suggested now and then in the literature is reinforcement of a phonetically weak or weakened element. Keywords: modern syntactic research; morpheme; morphosyntactic features; syntactic doubling; wh-constituent","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"1 1","pages":"1-34"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2008-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64512082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-01-01DOI: 10.1163/9781849500098_010
Ruth Kempson, W. Meyer-Viol, D. Gabbay
This paper addresses the question "Why do WH phenomena occur with the particular cluster of properties observed across languages -- long-distance dependencies, WH-in situ, partial movement constructions, reconstruction, crossover etc." These phenomena have been analysed by invoking a number of discrete principles and categories, but have so far resisted a unified treatment. The explanation proposed is set within a model of natural language understanding in context, where the task of understanding is taken to be the incremental building of a structure over which the semantic content is defined. The formal model is a composite of a labelled type-deduction system, a modal tree logic, and a set of rules for describing the process of interpreting the string as a set of transition states. A dynamic concept of syntax results, in which in addition to an output structure associated with each string (analogous to the level of LF), there is in addition an explicit meta-level description of the process whereby this incremental process takes place. This paper argues that WH-related phenomena can be unified by adopting this dynamic perspective. The main focus of the paper is on WH-initial structures, WH in situ structures, partial movement phenomena, and crossover phenomena. In each case, an analysis is proposed which emerges from the general characterisatioan of WH structures without construction-specific stipulation.Article
{"title":"Syntactic computation as labelled deduction: WH a case study","authors":"Ruth Kempson, W. Meyer-Viol, D. Gabbay","doi":"10.1163/9781849500098_010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9781849500098_010","url":null,"abstract":"This paper addresses the question \"Why do WH phenomena occur with the particular cluster of properties observed across languages -- long-distance dependencies, WH-in situ, partial movement constructions, reconstruction, crossover etc.\" These phenomena have been analysed by invoking a number of discrete principles and categories, but have so far resisted a unified treatment. The explanation proposed is set within a model of natural language understanding in context, where the task of understanding is taken to be the incremental building of a structure over which the semantic content is defined. The formal model is a composite of a labelled type-deduction system, a modal tree logic, and a set of rules for describing the process of interpreting the string as a set of transition states. A dynamic concept of syntax results, in which in addition to an output structure associated with each string (analogous to the level of LF), there is in addition an explicit meta-level description of the process whereby this incremental process takes place. This paper argues that WH-related phenomena can be unified by adopting this dynamic perspective. The main focus of the paper is on WH-initial structures, WH in situ structures, partial movement phenomena, and crossover phenomena. In each case, an analysis is proposed which emerges from the general characterisatioan of WH structures without construction-specific stipulation.Article","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"268 1","pages":"251-293"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64512555","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-01-01DOI: 10.1163/9781849508742_006
C. J. Huang, C. L. Liu
Long-distance reflexives (LDRs) are those that have their antecedents outside their governing categories. This chapter focuses on important evidence exists for treating the LDR as a logophor subject to pragmatic conditions, thus that the pure syntactic account is incorrect. It examines a clustering of properties which presented difficulties for the pure syntactic account and show that they lend themselves to a natural explanation we shall provide in logophoric terms. The chapter then shows that a pure pragmatic account is also incorrect, as there exists evidence that certain occurrences of the reflexive must be treated as syntactic anaphors subject to formal binding requirements. It then takes up the syntax and semantics of logophoricity, adopting an LF syntax involving IF-adjunction as originally proposed in Huang and Tang, and a semantics of de se attitudes a la Chierchia, and provide a brief comparison with Pan. Keywords: attitudes; logophoricity; long-distance reflexives (LDRs); semantics; syntax; ziji
远距离反射(ldr)是指那些在其支配范畴之外有其前身的反射。本章重点关注存在的重要证据，这些证据表明，将LDR视为受语用条件限制的词项，因此纯粹的句法解释是不正确的。它考察了一组属性，这些属性给纯语法解释带来了困难，并表明它们适合于我们将在词汇术语中提供的自然解释。然后，本章表明，纯粹的语用解释也是不正确的，因为有证据表明，某些反身性的出现必须被视为受正式约束要求约束的句法类比。在此基础上，本文采用了黄、唐等人最初提出的包含IF-adjunction的LF句法和de se attitudes a la Chierchia语义，并与潘氏进行了简要比较。关键词:态度;logophoricity;远距离反射;语义;语法;ziji
{"title":"Logophoricity, attitudes, and Ziji at the interface","authors":"C. J. Huang, C. L. Liu","doi":"10.1163/9781849508742_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9781849508742_006","url":null,"abstract":"Long-distance reflexives (LDRs) are those that have their antecedents outside their governing categories. This chapter focuses on important evidence exists for treating the LDR as a logophor subject to pragmatic conditions, thus that the pure syntactic account is incorrect. It examines a clustering of properties which presented difficulties for the pure syntactic account and show that they lend themselves to a natural explanation we shall provide in logophoric terms. The chapter then shows that a pure pragmatic account is also incorrect, as there exists evidence that certain occurrences of the reflexive must be treated as syntactic anaphors subject to formal binding requirements. It then takes up the syntax and semantics of logophoricity, adopting an LF syntax involving IF-adjunction as originally proposed in Huang and Tang, and a semantics of de se attitudes a la Chierchia, and provide a brief comparison with Pan. Keywords: attitudes; logophoricity; long-distance reflexives (LDRs); semantics; syntax; ziji","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"33 1","pages":"141-195"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64512622","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1998-01-01DOI: 10.1163/9780585492223_003
G. Bouma, Gertjan van Noord
There is a broad concensus among researchers working within the paradigm of HPSG that complement inheritance of the kind proposed in Hinrichs andNakazawa (1989; 1994) is an essential operation in the analysis of the verb cluster in German and Dutch. Both languages have a class of verbs (including auxiliaries andmodals) that subcategorize for a (possibly) unsaturated verbal complement, and for all the complements on the COMPS-list of this verbal complement. Most analyses of German have assumed that these complement inheritance verbs combine with their verbal complements to form a phrase consisting of (lexical) verbs only. This phrase is usually referred to as the verbal complex. In this paper, we argue that the word order of German as well as Dutch verb clusters can be accounted for without introducing a verbal complex. Our analysis rests on the assumption that a single HEAD-COMPLEMENT schema exists, which licences phrases consisting of a lexical head and an arbitrary number of its complements. This schema allows a complement inheritance verb to combine with its verbal complement, as well as the complements of this complement, in one step. A consequence of this analysis is that there is no room within the verb phrase for partial VPs or a verbal complex. The advantage of such an account is that there is no need to distinguish between a rule schema for verbal complexes and for (partial) VPs. Furthermore, a ‘flat VP’ implies that phrase structure does not impose any constraints on word order. Therefore, the full range of word order possibilities found in German and Dutch verb clusters is captured by a single schema. Of course, the main challenge for this ‘flat VP’ analysis is to demonstrate that it can do so without leading to vast overgeneration. This is the main topic of the current paper. In the next section, we introduce the German data and discuss the analysis of Hinrichs and Nakazawa (1989; 1994) as well as a number of related approaches. Next, we present our analysis of German. It uses a general HEAD-COMPLEMENT schema in conjunction with linear precedence statements. We demonstrate that the proposed set of LP-statements accounts for all ordering possibilities encountered in the German verb cluster. Furthermore, we argue that our analysis leads to an improved account of partial VP fronting (Nerbonne, 1994). The account toword order adopted here, is considerably more sophisticated than the proposal in van Noord and Bouma (1996), in which an account of the Dutch verb cluster was presented which relied primarily on ordering in terms of obliqueness. In section 4, we demonstrate that the improvements thatwere necessary in order to account forGermanalso lead to a smootheraccount of some of the more problematic Dutch data.
{"title":"Word order constraints on verb clusters in German and Dutch","authors":"G. Bouma, Gertjan van Noord","doi":"10.1163/9780585492223_003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9780585492223_003","url":null,"abstract":"There is a broad concensus among researchers working within the paradigm of HPSG that complement inheritance of the kind proposed in Hinrichs andNakazawa (1989; 1994) is an essential operation in the analysis of the verb cluster in German and Dutch. Both languages have a class of verbs (including auxiliaries andmodals) that subcategorize for a (possibly) unsaturated verbal complement, and for all the complements on the COMPS-list of this verbal complement. Most analyses of German have assumed that these complement inheritance verbs combine with their verbal complements to form a phrase consisting of (lexical) verbs only. This phrase is usually referred to as the verbal complex. In this paper, we argue that the word order of German as well as Dutch verb clusters can be accounted for without introducing a verbal complex. Our analysis rests on the assumption that a single HEAD-COMPLEMENT schema exists, which licences phrases consisting of a lexical head and an arbitrary number of its complements. This schema allows a complement inheritance verb to combine with its verbal complement, as well as the complements of this complement, in one step. A consequence of this analysis is that there is no room within the verb phrase for partial VPs or a verbal complex. The advantage of such an account is that there is no need to distinguish between a rule schema for verbal complexes and for (partial) VPs. Furthermore, a ‘flat VP’ implies that phrase structure does not impose any constraints on word order. Therefore, the full range of word order possibilities found in German and Dutch verb clusters is captured by a single schema. Of course, the main challenge for this ‘flat VP’ analysis is to demonstrate that it can do so without leading to vast overgeneration. This is the main topic of the current paper. In the next section, we introduce the German data and discuss the analysis of Hinrichs and Nakazawa (1989; 1994) as well as a number of related approaches. Next, we present our analysis of German. It uses a general HEAD-COMPLEMENT schema in conjunction with linear precedence statements. We demonstrate that the proposed set of LP-statements accounts for all ordering possibilities encountered in the German verb cluster. Furthermore, we argue that our analysis leads to an improved account of partial VP fronting (Nerbonne, 1994). The account toword order adopted here, is considerably more sophisticated than the proposal in van Noord and Bouma (1996), in which an account of the Dutch verb cluster was presented which relied primarily on ordering in terms of obliqueness. In section 4, we demonstrate that the improvements thatwere necessary in order to account forGermanalso lead to a smootheraccount of some of the more problematic Dutch data.","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"30 1","pages":"43-72"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64510974","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1998-01-01DOI: 10.1163/9789004373167_014
C. Zwart
{"title":"Where is syntax? Syntactic aspects of left dislocation in Dutch and English","authors":"C. Zwart","doi":"10.1163/9789004373167_014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004373167_014","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"29 1","pages":"365-393"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1998-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64540389","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1987-12-26DOI: 10.1163/9789004373204_011
A. Ojeda
{"title":"Discontinuity, Multidominance, and Unbounded Dependency in Generalized Phrase Structure Grammar : Some Preliminaries in Discontinuous Constituency.","authors":"A. Ojeda","doi":"10.1163/9789004373204_011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004373204_011","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51758,"journal":{"name":"Syntax and Semantics","volume":"20 1","pages":"257-282"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1987-12-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"64540486","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":4,"RegionCategory":"人文科学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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