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Democratic self-government and the algocratic shortcut: the democratic harms in algorithmic governance of society 民主自治与算法捷径:社会算法治理中的民主危害
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-13 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00656-y
Nardine Alnemr
Abstract Algorithms are used to calculate and govern varying aspects of public life for efficient use of the vast data available about citizens. Assuming that algorithms are neutral and efficient in data-based decision making, algorithms are used in areas such as criminal justice and welfare. This has ramifications on the ideal of democratic self-government as algorithmic decisions are made without democratic deliberation, scrutiny or justification. In the book Democracy without Shortcuts , Cristina Lafont argued against “shortcutting” democratic self-government. Lafont’s critique of shortcuts turns to problematise taken-for-granted practices in democracies that bypass citizen inclusion and equality in authoring decisions governing public life. In this article, I extend Lafont’s argument to another shortcut: the algocratic shortcut. The democratic harms attributable to the algocratic shortcut include diminishing the role of voice in politics and reducing opportunities for civic engagement. In this article, I define the algocratic shortcut and discuss the democratic harms of this shortcut, its relation to other shortcuts to democracy and the limitations of using shortcuts to remedy algocratic harms. Finally, I reflect on remedy through “aspirational deliberation”.
算法用于计算和管理公共生活的各个方面,以便有效地利用有关公民的大量可用数据。假设算法在基于数据的决策中是中立和有效的,算法被用于刑事司法和福利等领域。这对民主自治的理想产生了影响,因为算法的决定是在没有民主审议、审查或理由的情况下做出的。在《没有捷径的民主》一书中,克里斯蒂娜·拉丰反对“走捷径”的民主自治。拉丰对捷径的批判转向了对民主国家中被视为理所当然的做法的问题化,这些做法在制定管理公共生活的决策时绕过了公民的包容和平等。在本文中,我将拉丰的论点扩展到另一种捷径:算法捷径。官僚捷径对民主的危害包括削弱政治话语权和减少公民参与的机会。在本文中,我定义了算法捷径,并讨论了这条捷径的民主危害,它与其他民主捷径的关系,以及使用捷径来补救算法危害的局限性。最后,我通过“有抱负的思考”来反思补救措施。
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引用次数: 0
Defensive relativism: The use of cultural relativism in international legal practice 防御性相对主义:文化相对主义在国际法律实践中的运用
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-10-12 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00662-0
Christos Marneros
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引用次数: 2
Non-living politics 非生物政治
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-28 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00660-2
Kennan Ferguson
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引用次数: 0
Left populism, commons and radical democracy: counter-hegemonic alliances in our times 左翼民粹主义、公地与激进民主:我们时代的反霸权联盟
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-27 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00658-w
Alexandros Kioupkiolis
Abstract This paper advances the thesis that democratic populism and the commons can and should complement each other in counter-hegemonic interventions promoting egalitarian and ecological democracy in our times. After elucidating its key terms, the article makes, first, a theoretical case for the combination of egalitarian, inclusionary populism and the commons by debunking arguments which highlight the conflicts between them and by explaining the political significance of their conjugation. Subsequently, discussion builds an empirical argument for the real possibility and the democratic promises of such a convergence by considering three ways in which populist politics and the commons merge and recompose each other in contemporary social movements, from the Spanish 15M and new municipalism to Occupy and other collective contestation in the Americas over the last two decades. These cases will illustrate how late social activism has effectively blended populist mobilization with the spirit of the commons, engendering a hybrid figure of ‘common populism’ that fosters grassroots processes of democratization.
本文提出了民主民粹主义和公地在反霸权干预中可以而且应该相辅相成的观点,以促进我们时代的平等主义和生态民主。在阐明其关键术语之后,本文首先通过揭穿强调它们之间冲突的论点并解释它们结合的政治意义,为平等主义,包容性民粹主义和公地的结合提供了一个理论案例。随后,讨论通过考虑民粹主义政治和公地在当代社会运动中相互融合和重组的三种方式,为这种融合的真实可能性和民主承诺建立了一个经验论证,从西班牙的15M和新市政主义到占领运动和过去二十年来美洲的其他集体争论。这些案例将说明,最近的社会行动主义是如何有效地将民粹主义动员与公地精神相结合,产生了一种促进基层民主化进程的“普通民粹主义”的混合形象。
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引用次数: 0
Nihilistic Times: Thinking with Max Weber 虚无主义时代:与马克斯·韦伯一起思考
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-25 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00659-9
Ming Kit Wong
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引用次数: 3
Cannibal capitalism: how our system is devouring democracy, care, and the planet—and what we can do about it 食人资本主义:我们的制度如何吞噬民主、关怀和地球,以及我们能做些什么
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-23 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00654-0
Brian Milstein
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引用次数: 0
Reconsidering reparations 重新考虑赔款
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-22 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00652-2
Onur Ulas Ince
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引用次数: 0
The credit they deserve: contesting predictive practices and the afterlives of red-lining 他们应得的荣誉是:对预测实践的质疑,以及红线的后遗症
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00655-z
Emily Katzenstein
Abstract Racial capitalism depends on the reproduction of an existing racialized economic order. In this article, I argue that the disavowal of past injustice is a central way in which this reproduction is ensured and that market-based forms of knowledge production, such as for-profit predictive practices, play a crucial role in facilitating this disavowal. Recent debates about the fairness of algorithms, data justice, and predictive policing have intensified long-standing controversies, both popular and academic, about the way in which statistical and financial modes of accounting and predicting articulate, represent and produce ascriptive categories of hierarchically ordered social difference, and reproduce unjust social hierarchies and inequalities. These debates have productively problematized the racial lives of seemingly apolitical predictive technologies and demanded the re-politicization of predictive practices. What has been missing from these debates so far, however, is a more explicit engagement with ways in which anti-racist movements and activists themselves have contested the entanglements of prediction and race making. I turn to a recent prominent example, namely the contestation over racial discrepancies in subprime lending to examine how fair lending activists have conceptualized and troubled the reproduction of a racialized economic order through for-profit predictive practices in the decade before the Great Financial Crisis. I situate this particular example in the broader historical and political context of politicizing prediction that first emerged with the ascendancy of a liberal, individualist-proprietary conception of risk, and the political problem space to which this has given rise. My analysis shows that actuarial conceptions of fairness continue to reverberate in anti-racist contestations of for-profit predictive practices, and that they tend to marginalize and undercut more radical strands of critique of the racialization of financial markets. Insofar as these modalities of contestation implicitly reproduce a liberal, proprietary-individualist conception of risk, I argue, they fail to effectively challenge the quasi-alchemical transformation of injustice into personal responsibility, and thus contribute to the disavowal of past injustice.
种族资本主义依赖于现有的种族化经济秩序的再生产。在本文中,我认为否认过去的不公正是确保这种再生产的核心方式,而以市场为基础的知识生产形式,如营利性预测实践,在促进这种否认方面起着至关重要的作用。最近关于算法公平、数据公正和预测性警务的辩论加剧了长期以来的争议,无论是大众还是学术界,都是关于会计和预测的统计和金融模式如何阐明、代表和产生等级有序的社会差异的分类,并再现不公正的社会等级和不平等。这些争论有效地将看似无关政治的预测技术的种族生活问题化,并要求将预测实践重新政治化。然而,到目前为止,这些辩论中缺少的是更明确地参与反种族主义运动和活动人士自己对预测和种族制造的纠缠提出质疑的方式。我转向最近一个突出的例子,即关于次贷中种族差异的争论,以研究公平贷款活动家如何在金融危机前的十年中通过营利性预测实践概念化和困扰种族化经济秩序的再生产。我把这个特殊的例子放在政治化预测的更广泛的历史和政治背景中,这种预测首先出现在自由主义的、个人主义的、私有的风险概念的优势地位,以及由此产生的政治问题空间。我的分析表明,公平的精算概念在营利性预测实践的反种族主义争论中继续回响,它们往往会边缘化和削弱对金融市场种族化的更激进的批评。我认为,只要这些争论的模式隐含地再现了一种自由的、专有的个人主义的风险概念,它们就无法有效地挑战将不公正转化为个人责任的准炼金术,从而有助于否认过去的不公正。
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引用次数: 0
Neoliberal fascism? Fascist trends in early neoliberal thought and echoes in the present 新自由主义法西斯主义?早期新自由主义思想中的法西斯趋势及其在当今的回响
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-21 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00657-x
Henry Maher
Abstract This article theorises the contemporary convergence of neoliberal and fascist principles by examining the thought of political actors in the 1930s and 1940s who were active in both neoliberal and fascist organisations. I suggest that a sympathy for fascism formed a minor but significant strand of early neoliberal thought, and that unpacking the logics that led particular thinkers and political actors to believe that fascism was compatible with neoliberalism can shed light on the contemporary political moment. Based on my reading of early ‘neoliberal fascists’, I theorise three points of convergence. The first was a belief that socialism had to be opposed by all possible means, including violence and the repression of popular democracy. The second was a racialized understanding of the underpinnings of the market economy, leading to an acceptance of the necessity of racial exclusion. Thirdly, both fascist and neoliberal thinkers believed that patriarchy was a necessary feature for the reproduction of capitalism, and hence that traditional gender roles had to be preserved against pressures for social change. In theorising this convergence, I also gesture to how the overlap of neoliberalism and fascism can be witnessed in the contemporary milieu, with a focus on the libertarian Mises Institute.
本文通过考察20世纪30年代和40年代活跃于新自由主义和法西斯主义组织中的政治行动者的思想,对新自由主义和法西斯主义原则的当代趋同进行了理论化。我认为,对法西斯主义的同情形成了早期新自由主义思想中一个次要但重要的部分,而揭示导致某些思想家和政治行动者相信法西斯主义与新自由主义相容的逻辑,可以为当代政治时刻提供启示。根据我对早期“新自由主义法西斯主义者”的阅读,我提出了三个趋同点。第一个是相信社会主义必须用一切可能的手段来反对,包括暴力和对大众民主的镇压。第二个是对市场经济基础的种族化理解,导致接受种族排斥的必要性。第三,法西斯主义和新自由主义思想家都认为,父权制是资本主义再生产的必要特征,因此,传统的性别角色必须保留下来,以应对社会变革的压力。在理论化这种趋同的过程中,我也指出了新自由主义和法西斯主义的重叠在当代环境中是如何被见证的,重点是自由主义的米塞斯研究所。
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引用次数: 0
Democratic renewal and the spirit of democracy 民主复兴和民主精神
3区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-09-13 DOI: 10.1057/s41296-023-00651-3
Corrado Fumagalli, Enrico Biale, Steven Klein, Sharon R. Krause, Federica Liveriero, Sofia Näsström
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Contemporary Political Theory
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