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The Uses and Abuses of Constitutional Pluralism: Undermining the Rule of Law in the Name of Constitutional Identity in Hungary and Poland 宪法多元主义的使用与滥用:以宪法身份的名义对匈牙利和波兰法治的破坏
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-04 DOI: 10.1017/cel.2019.11
Daniel Kelemen, Laurent Pech
This article explains why autocrats love constitutional pluralism and constitutional identity. Though these concepts were developed by scholars and jurists with the best of intentions in mind, we explain why they are also attractive to and inherently prone to abuse by autocrats. We then describe how the regimes in Hungary and Poland have made use of these concepts in their drive to consolidate autocracy. We conclude that given the dangers inherent in constitutional pluralism and its susceptibility to abuse, it should be replaced with a more traditional understanding of the primacy of EU law.
这篇文章解释了为什么独裁者喜欢宪法多元主义和宪法认同。尽管这些概念是由学者和法学家出于善意提出的,但我们解释了为什么它们对独裁者也有吸引力,并且天生容易被独裁者滥用。然后,我们描述了匈牙利和波兰的政权是如何利用这些概念来巩固专制的。我们得出的结论是,鉴于宪法多元主义固有的危险及其容易被滥用,应该用对欧盟法律首要地位的更传统的理解来取代它。
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引用次数: 24
Back to a Sovereign Future?: Constitutional Pluralism after Brexit 回到主权未来?英国脱欧后的宪政多元化
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-04 DOI: 10.1017/cel.2019.8
Cormac Mac Amhlaigh
To the extent that the UK's decision to withdraw from the EU can be interpreted as a reassertion of the classic ideas of Westphalian sovereign statehood, it questions the relevance of constitutional pluralism as a resolutely ‘post-sovereign’ model of relations between state administrations and their supranational counterparts. This contribution will therefore examine the usefulness and relevance of the idea of constitutional pluralism after Brexit. It looks at the various features and relationships affected by the Brexit process analysing the relevance of constitutional pluralism to each relationship pre- and post-Brexit, concluding that, whereas Brexit clearly affects the different relationships involved, constitutional pluralism can and will remain relevant to EU/UK relations as well as within the EU, well into the future.
在某种程度上,英国退出欧盟的决定可以被解释为对威斯特伐利亚主权国家的经典理念的重申,它质疑宪法多元化作为国家行政当局与其超国家对手之间关系的坚决“后主权”模式的相关性。因此,本文将考察英国脱欧后宪政多元化理念的实用性和相关性。它着眼于受英国脱欧进程影响的各种特征和关系,分析了宪法多元化与英国脱欧前后每一种关系的相关性,得出的结论是,尽管英国脱欧明显影响了所涉及的不同关系,但宪法多元化能够并将在未来很长一段时间内与欧盟/英国关系以及欧盟内部保持相关性。
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引用次数: 3
Constitutional Pluralism's Unspoken Normative Core 宪政多元主义的潜规则核心
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-04 DOI: 10.1017/cel.2019.12
J. Lawrence
This article argues that discourses of constitutional pluralism contain a strong normative core which is made up of a series of largely unacknowledged implicit claims about legitimacy and community. This argument is illustrated by reference to various constitutional pluralist responses to the Hungarian Constitutional Court's ruling concerning the protection of constitutional identity in the context of EU asylum and refugee protection law and policy, demonstrating that whether this decision falls ‘inside’ or ‘outside’ constitutional pluralist tolerance depends on how the observer defines the minimum amount of shared substantive or procedural content that is fundamental to the EU order.
本文认为,宪政多元化的话语包含着一个强大的规范核心,它由一系列基本上未被承认的关于合法性和共同体的隐含主张组成。匈牙利宪法法院在欧盟庇护和难民保护法律和政策的背景下对宪法身份的保护作出了裁决,由此可见宪法多元主义者对匈牙利宪法法院裁决的各种回应,表明这一裁决是“在”还是“在”宪法多元主义宽容范围之外,取决于观察者如何定义对欧盟秩序至关重要的共享的最低数量的实质性或程序性内容。
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引用次数: 3
Women on Company Boards: Equality Meets Subsidiarity 公司董事会中的女性:平等与辅助性
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-09-11 DOI: 10.1017/cel.2019.6
B. Havelková
This article explores the justifications for, and objections to, the proposed European Union ‘women on company boards’ Directive. It notes that Member State opposition to the measure had different emphases. The new, post-socialist Member States that intervened prominently questioned the Commission's understanding of the underlying social reality of gender inequality and the measure's focus on results, while the old Member States that intervened raised mainly the issue of subsidiarity and challenged the need for legislative action, and/or particularly the need for legislative action at EU level. The article further argues that the Commission weakened its case by emphasising economic rationales for the measure, and submits that a principled justification fits the proposal better. Finally, the article argues that subsidiarity-related arguments are available also to justify non-cross-border, non-economic projects, such as that of gender equality.
本文探讨了欧盟拟议的“女性进入公司董事会”指令的理由和反对意见。委员会指出,反对这项措施的会员国有不同的侧重点。新加入的后社会主义成员国对委员会对性别不平等的潜在社会现实的理解以及该措施对结果的关注提出了突出的质疑,而旧的成员国则主要提出了辅助性问题,并对立法行动的必要性提出了质疑,特别是需要在欧盟层面采取立法行动。该条进一步争辩说,委员会强调该措施的经济理由,从而削弱了它的理由,并提出一个原则性的理由更适合这项提议。最后,本文认为,与辅助性相关的论点也可用于证明非跨境、非经济项目的合理性,例如性别平等项目。
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引用次数: 0
EU Counter-terrorism Law: What Kind of Exemplar of Transnational Law? 欧盟反恐法:什么样的跨国法典范?
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-06-06 DOI: 10.1017/CEL.2019.7
C. Murphy
This article examines counter-terrorism efforts in the EU as it matures as a field of law. It sets out three critiques of EU counter-terrorism law: that of ineffectiveness, of anti-constitutionalism, and of contrariness to human rights and the rule of law. It considers these critiques in light of the development of policies and legal initiatives—against foreign terrorist fighters and against radicalisation. It concludes that there are both persistent problems, and some improvements, in the law. The EU's capacity to meet the challenges posed by terrorism and the counter-terrorism imperative, and how it does so, has global impact. The article concludes with an argument for better law-making in the EU to ensure it serves as a better exemplar of transnational law.
这篇文章考察了欧盟作为一个法律领域的反恐努力。它提出了对欧盟反恐法的三种批评:无效性、反宪政、与人权和法治相悖。它根据政策和法律举措的发展——针对外国恐怖分子和激进化——来考虑这些批评。它的结论是,该法律既存在持续存在的问题,也有一些改进。欧盟应对恐怖主义和反恐紧迫性带来的挑战的能力,以及如何做到这一点,具有全球影响。文章最后提出了一个论点,要求欧盟更好地制定法律,以确保其成为跨国法的更好典范。
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引用次数: 2
CEL volume 20 Cover and Back matter CEL第20卷封面和封底
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/cel.2018.14
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引用次数: 0
Editorial – A Sense of Perspective 社论-透视的感觉
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/cel.2018.12
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引用次数: 0
Europe’s ‘Other’ Open-Border Zone: The Common Travel Area under the Shadow of Brexit 欧洲的“其他”开放边境区:英国脱欧阴影下的共同旅游区
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/CEL.2018.10
G. Butler, G. Barrett
Abstract In recent years, the Schengen Area—and the suppression within its territory of border controls—has become a strong focus of attention. This article focuses on another region of Europe where such controls have been suppressed: the Common Travel Area (‘CTA’). Historically, both Ireland and the United Kingdom have rejected membership of the Schengen system—albeit securing certain ‘opt-in’ rights—and instead maintained the CTA between their respective jurisdictions. The CTA has, however, garnered relatively little public attention until recently, when concerns as to the implications of Brexit for the maintenance of an open border between Ireland and Northern Ireland have gained ground, and threatened to be a deal breaker in the negotiations under Article 50 TEU on UK exit from the EU (‘Brexit’). This article examines the background to the CTA, exploring its surprisingly fluid legal framework; its development in the legal systems of Ireland and the United Kingdom; and subsequently, how it was exempted from what is now EU law as the Schengen arrangements were integrated into the Union. The recent introduction of the British-Irish Visa Scheme, which formalises some visa rules regarding citizens of third states, and which tends in the direction of consolidating CTA arrangements, is also examined. The article further explores the challenges that confront the CTA in coping with the outcome of the June 2016 Brexit referendum, which should result in the UK leaving the European Union in March 2019, and the implications of Brexit for the CTA. Finally, it seeks to identify some key characteristics of the CTA in light of experience to date.
摘要近年来,申根区及其境内边境管制的镇压已成为人们关注的焦点。这篇文章关注的是欧洲另一个此类控制被抑制的地区:共同旅行区(“TA”)。从历史上看,爱尔兰和英国都拒绝加入申根体系——尽管确保了某些“选择加入”的权利——而是在各自的司法管辖区之间维持CTA。然而,直到最近,英国脱欧对维护爱尔兰和北爱尔兰之间开放边界的影响引起了公众的关注,并有可能破坏根据第50条标准箱就英国退出欧盟(“脱欧”)进行的谈判。本文考察了CTA的背景,探讨了其令人惊讶的流动性法律框架;其在爱尔兰和联合王国法律体系中的发展;随后,随着申根安排融入欧盟,它如何被免除现在的欧盟法律的约束。最近引入的英国-爱尔兰签证计划也受到了审查,该计划正式制定了一些关于第三国公民的签证规则,并倾向于巩固CTA安排。文章进一步探讨了CTA在应对2016年6月英国脱欧公投结果时面临的挑战,该公投将导致英国于2019年3月脱离欧盟,以及脱欧对CTA的影响。最后,它试图根据迄今为止的经验来确定CTA的一些关键特征。
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引用次数: 1
The Impact of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights on Anti-Discrimination Law: More a Whimper than a Bang? 《欧盟基本权利宪章》对反歧视法的影响:与其说是一声呜咽,不如说是一声巨响?
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-11-19 DOI: 10.1017/CEL.2018.11
A. Ward
Abstract This article explores the influence of Articles 20 and 21 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union in the development of EU equal treatment law, with emphasis on forms of discrimination precluded by Council Directive 2000/43 implementing the principle of equal treatment between persons irrespective of racial or ethnic origin, and Directive 2000/78 establishing a general framework for equal treatment in employment and occupation. The author contends that although Articles 20 and 21 are primary measure of EU law, their impact in the development of case law elaborated pursuant to the Directives is relatively muted. This may have stunted the development of jurisprudence on the relationship between Articles 20 and 21 of the Charter, and rules contained in Title VI of the Charter governing its interpretation and application, such as Article 52(3) on the relationship between the Charter and the European Convention on Human Rights, and Article 52(1) on justified limitations. The author forewarns against the emergence of incoherence in the case law in this context, and with respect to the role of Articles 20 and 21 in disputes over the meaning of Directives 2000/43 and 2000/78 and calls for fuller reflection on Charter rules in disputes based on an allegation of discrimination.
摘要本文探讨了《欧洲联盟基本权利宪章》第20条和第21条对制定欧盟平等待遇法的影响,重点是理事会第2000/43号指令所排除的歧视形式,该指令执行了不分种族或族裔的人与人之间平等待遇的原则,以及第2000/78号指令,建立了就业和职业平等待遇的一般框架。提交人认为,尽管第20条和第21条是欧盟法律的主要措施,但它们对根据《指令》制定的判例法的影响相对较小。这可能阻碍了关于《宪章》第二十条和第二十一条之间关系的判例法的发展,也阻碍了关于解释和适用《宪章》的第六章所载规则的发展,例如关于《宪章与欧洲人权公约》之间关系的第五十二条第三款和关于正当限制的第五十二(一)款。提交人警告说,在这种情况下,判例法中出现了不连贯的情况,以及第20条和第21条在关于第2000/43号和第2000/78号指令含义的争端中的作用,并呼吁在基于歧视指控的争端中更充分地考虑《宪章》的规则。
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引用次数: 8
The Existential Crisis of Citizenship of the European Union: The Argument for an Autonomous Status 欧盟公民身份的生存危机:自治地位之争
Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2018-09-10 DOI: 10.1017/cel.2018.6
O. Garner
Abstract This article argues for the (re)construction of citizenship of the European Union as an autonomous status. As opposed to the current legal regime, whereby individuals with nationality of a Member State are automatically granted citizenship of the Union, under this proposal individuals would be free to choose whether or not to adopt the status of citizen of an incipient European polity. At present, the telos and essence of citizenship of the Union is contested. It may be argued that the status is partial or incomplete. This has informed competing normative perspectives. ‘Maximalist’ positions praise the judicial construction of Union citizenship as destined to be the ‘fundamental status’ for all Member State nationals. By contrast, ‘minimalist’ positions argue that the status should remain ‘additional to’ Member State nationality, and the rights created therein should remain supplementary to the status and rights derived from national citizenship. This article will argue for a new approach to the dilemma. By emancipating the condition for acquisition of EU citizenship from nationality of a Member State, and reconstructing it as an autonomous choice for individuals, it is tentatively suggested that a new constitutional settlement for Europe may be generated.
摘要本文主张(重建)欧盟公民身份作为一种自治地位。与目前拥有成员国国籍的个人自动被授予欧盟公民身份的法律制度不同,根据这一提议,个人可以自由选择是否采用欧洲初期政体的公民身份。目前,欧盟公民身份的本质和意义存在争议。可以说,这种状况是部分的或不完整的。这为相互竞争的规范观点提供了依据最高主义者的立场赞扬联邦公民身份的司法建设注定是所有成员国国民的“基本地位”。相比之下,“最低限度”的立场认为,该地位应继续“补充”成员国国籍,其中产生的权利应继续补充地位和源自国家公民身份的权利。这篇文章将为解决这一困境提出一种新的方法。通过将获得欧盟公民身份的条件从成员国国籍中解放出来,并将其重建为个人的自主选择,初步建议可以为欧洲产生新的宪法解决方案。
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引用次数: 6
期刊
Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies
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