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Auge del populismo ¿Resultado de la crisis o estrategia política? 民粹主义的兴起:危机的结果还是政治策略?
Pub Date : 2020-02-21 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.142
Roca González
Entender por qué entre 2013 y 2017 el populismo de derechas tuvo más éxito político que sus homólogos de izquierda en Europa es una tarea que requiere, como punto de partida, un análisis detallado de las razones del su ascenso como tal. Como afirma Francisco Panizza, todas las "prácticas populistas surgen del fracaso de las instituciones sociales y políticas existentes para confinar y regular a los sujetos políticos en un orden social relativamente estable". Sin embargo, el análisis de la brusca erupción política de estos movimientos en Europa sigue siendo tema de múltiples e intensos debates. Para identificar apropiadamente las razones centrales detrás del rápido aumento en su éxito político, este ensayo evalúa dos de las interpretaciones más prominentes: en primer lugar, los relatos historicistas de los populismos de derechas en Europa que los entenderían como un epifenómeno de cambios históricos profundos, y, en segundo lugar, las concepciones de su surgimiento como consecuencia de una estrategia política fructífera capaz de explotar eficientemente los procesos de crisis orgánica como los que estaban experimentando las democracias representativas europeas.
要理解为什么在2013年至2017年期间,欧洲右翼民粹主义在政治上比左翼民粹主义更成功,首先需要详细分析其崛起的原因。正如弗朗西斯科·帕尼扎(Francisco Panizza)所言,所有的民粹主义做法都源于现有的社会和政治机构未能在一个相对稳定的社会秩序中限制和规范政治主体。然而,对这些运动在欧洲突然政治爆发的分析仍然是许多激烈辩论的主题。为了正确识别其政治成功迅速增长背后的核心原因,本文评估了两种最突出的解释:首先故事historicistas了解在欧洲,右翼运动的历史变迁是深的,而且作为一个偶发现象,其次,由于兴起的观念,一种政治战略,能够有效的利用有机危机过程中也进行了富有成效的欧洲民主国家正在经历的代表性。
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引用次数: 1
4TP: Hacia una Cuarta Teoría Política Alexander Dugin y el Neoeurasianismo 走向第四种政治理论亚历山大·杜金和新欧亚主义
Pub Date : 2020-01-10 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.145
Isabel Cubero Trujillo
Este trabajo analiza desde un marco teórico, los conceptos geopolítica y geoestrategia a través de un estudio comparativo con respecto al razonamiento y proyección de las doctrinas de la Cuarta Teoría Política (4TP) y de la corriente geopolítica del Neo-eurasianismo expuestas por Alexander Dugin. Apodado como el «cerebro de Putin» en círculos relacionados con las RRII, se le hace responsable de dar soporte teórico al actual rumbo de la política exterior rusa. Su influencia, por tanto, es significativa, aunque la relación de sus ideas con los objetivos marcados por las acciones del presidente ruso, no es tan lineal como pudiera parecer a simple vista y necesita, cuando menos, una aproximación científica detenida. Por último, se realiza un  breve análisis de cómo el conservadurismo actual de Rusia y los postulados neo-eursasianistas han conseguido fraguar en el movimiento de la ‘Nueva Derecha’ europea, influenciando en el pensamiento e ideas de muchos teóricos tradicionalistas europeos.
本文从理论框架出发,通过对杜金第四政治理论(4TP)和新欧亚主义地缘政治潮流学说的推理和投射的比较研究,分析地缘政治和地缘战略的概念。在与RRII相关的圈子里,他被称为“普京的大脑”,负责为俄罗斯当前的外交政策提供理论支持。因此,他的影响是重大的,尽管他的想法与俄罗斯总统行动的目标之间的关系并不像乍一看那样线性,至少需要仔细的科学方法。最后,简要分析了当前俄罗斯保守主义和新欧亚主义假设是如何在欧洲“新右翼”运动中形成的,影响了许多欧洲传统主义理论家的思想和思想。
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引用次数: 0
La democracia como tranvía. Los años de la era Erdoğan 民主就像有轨电车。多年的时代Erdoğan
Pub Date : 2019-07-21 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.156
Redacción Tiempo Devorado
Reseña de la obra de Andrés Mourenza e Ilya U. Topper, La democracia es un tranvía. El ascenso de Erdogan y la transformación de Turquía, Ediciones Península, Barcelona, 2019
回顾andres Mourenza和Ilya U. Topper的作品,民主是一辆有轨电车。埃尔多安的崛起和土耳其的转型,Ediciones peninsula,巴塞罗那,2019
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引用次数: 0
Poder, élites e islam político en la “nueva Turquía”. Contexto, causas y consecuencias de la intentona golpista del 15 de julio 2016 “新土耳其”的权力、精英和政治伊斯兰。2016年7月15日政变的背景、原因和后果
Pub Date : 2019-05-31 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.155
Redacción Tiempo Devorado
Reseña sobre las obras: M. Hakan Yavuz y Bayram Balci (eds.) Turkey´s July 15th Coup: What Happened and Why (2018) y Muhittin Ataman (ed.),  July 15 Coup Attempt in Turkey: Context, Causes and Consequences (2017)
Reseña sobre las obras: M. Hakan Yavuz和Bayram Balci(编)土耳其的7月15日政变:发生了什么和为什么(2018)/ Muhittin Ataman(编),土耳其7月15日政变企图:背景,原因和后果(2017)
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引用次数: 0
Khamenei´s Legacy.. 30 years at the forefront of the R.I.I. 哈梅内伊´s遗留…在罗德岛研究所工作了30年
Pub Date : 2019-05-29 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.150
P. Martín
The Islamic Republic of Iran (I.R.I) has just accomplished its forty years of existence; the avatars of Khomeini’s regime since its emergence have been many and cannot be properly explained without referring to a man who played key roles since the first days of the new Republic and who has been its leader during the last thirty years: Ali Khamenei.Personally elected by Khomeini as his successor to the post of Supreme Leader, due to his revolutionary credentials, Khamenei has successfully sailed through the treacherous waters of Iranian politics and dropped a solid anchor at his entrusted post. His journey has been one seeking centrality, but without deviating from Khomeini’s pragmatism; both goals were achieved through a complex weaving of alliances and a careful counterbalance of power quotas.Without doubt, Khamenei’s greatest achievement has been that, notwithstanding both the authority and respect earned as Supreme Leader, he has avoided any kind of personal management or cult, easing a future handover and ensuring the continuity of the I.R.I as it is known today.
伊朗伊斯兰共和国(iri)刚刚完成了它的四十年的存在;自从霍梅尼政权出现以来,它的化身有很多,如果不提到一个人,他从新共和国的第一天起就发挥了关键作用,在过去的三十年里一直是它的领导人,他就不能恰当地解释:阿里·哈梅内伊。由于他的革命资历,哈梅内伊被霍梅尼亲自选为最高领袖的继任者,他成功地穿越了伊朗政治的险恶水域,并在他被委托的职位上站稳了脚跟。他的旅程一直在寻求中心地位,但没有偏离霍梅尼的实用主义;这两个目标都是通过复杂的联盟编织和谨慎的权力配额平衡来实现的。毫无疑问,哈梅内伊最大的成就是,尽管他作为最高领袖赢得了权威和尊重,但他避免了任何形式的个人管理或崇拜,简化了未来的交接,并确保了今天所知的i.r.的连续性。
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引用次数: 0
Iranian Women. The Quest for their Legal Equality since the Constitutional Revolution 伊朗的女人。宪政革命以来对法律平等的追求
Pub Date : 2019-05-29 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.154
Leila Alikarami
The active presence of Iranian women in the public arena and their efforts to obtain equal rights date back to the early twentieth century, when the Constitutional Revolution took place in Iran. The Constitutional Revolution of 1906 was a liberal movement aimed at creating a Parliament, limiting the Shah’s powers and enforcing constitutional laws. This article will explore the historical background of the women’s movement in Iran, in order to identify all the means utilized to demand equality in order to trace the process of demanding equality and the obstacles that Iranian women have encountered in their efforts to achieve it. It looks at the transformation of women’s rights movement in the context of socio-legal reforms in the country. The study will examine three distinct periods in the women’s rights movement, with particular focus on the post-1979 Revolution era. The Qajar Dynasty, 1796-1921, where women were systematically and socio-culturally deprived of their basic economic, social and political rights. The Pahlavi era, 1925-79, where there was a period of some positive changes for women. Finally, post-1979 Revolution and the rise of the Islamic Republic, where women lost the rights they had previously obtained. This study will attempt to demonstrate that though legal equality has yet to be obtained by Iranian women, they continue to actively pursue it. In this pursuit, they have successfully challenged the gender bias of the Iranian legal system, and it has lost its legitimacy. More pertinently, the social context has been primed to accommodate equal rights for women
伊朗妇女在公共领域的积极存在和她们争取平等权利的努力可以追溯到二十世纪初,当时伊朗发生了宪法革命。1906年的宪法革命是一场自由主义运动,旨在建立议会,限制国王的权力并执行宪法法律。本文将探讨伊朗妇女运动的历史背景,以找出所有要求平等的手段,追踪要求平等的过程,以及伊朗妇女在争取平等的过程中遇到的障碍。它着眼于在国家社会法律改革的背景下妇女权利运动的转变。这项研究将审查妇女权利运动的三个不同时期,特别侧重于1979年革命后的时代。卡扎尔王朝(1796-1921),妇女在社会文化上被系统地剥夺了基本的经济、社会和政治权利。巴列维统治时期,1925- 1979年,在这一时期,女性发生了一些积极的变化。最后,1979年革命和伊斯兰共和国的崛起,妇女失去了她们以前获得的权利。本研究将试图证明,虽然伊朗妇女尚未获得法律上的平等,但她们仍在积极追求。在这种追求中,她们成功地挑战了伊朗法律制度的性别偏见,使其失去了合法性。更有针对性的是,社会环境已经准备好适应妇女的平等权利
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引用次数: 1
Quiet strangulation. Islamic Republic’s treatment of Baha’is since 1991 安静的绞杀。伊斯兰共和国自1991年以来对待巴哈教徒的态度
Pub Date : 2019-05-29 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.153
Mina Yazdani
This article first provides a survey of the history of the persecution of the Baha’i community of Iran since the inception of the religion in the mid-nineteen century, and a summary of the analyses of other historians on the roots of anti-Baha’i discrimination. It then focuses on the Islamic Republic’s treatment of Baha’is since 1991, the year a secret memorandum regarding “the Baha’i Question” redefined the government’s previous policy of “overt” suppression to one that would be henceforth “covert.” It demonstrates that the government, having learned from its experiences in the 1980s, has, since the early 1990s, carefully orchestrated and pursued plans to suppress the Baha’i community in all areas of life, in ways that have deliberately sought to generate the least amount of international outrage and sympathy as possible. It proposes that the real yet hidden root of the brutal treatment of Baha’is is the insecurity and threat the theocratic government and its clerical leadership feel about the spread of the rational, outward-looking, world-embracing and highly ethical ethos of the Baha’i Faith.
本文首先概述了伊朗巴哈伊社区自19世纪中叶宗教成立以来遭受迫害的历史,并总结了其他历史学家对反巴哈伊歧视根源的分析。然后,它将重点放在伊斯兰共和国自1991年以来对待巴哈伊教徒的方式上,这一年,一份关于“巴哈伊问题”的秘密备忘录将政府以前的“公开”镇压政策重新定义为今后的“秘密”政策。这表明,伊朗政府从20世纪80年代的经验中吸取教训,自20世纪90年代初以来,精心策划并实施了在生活的各个领域压制巴哈伊社区的计划,其方式是故意寻求尽可能少地引起国际社会的愤怒和同情。它提出,残酷对待巴哈伊教徒的真正而隐藏的根源是神权政府及其神职领导层对巴哈伊信仰理性、外向、包容世界和高度道德的精神的传播感到不安全和威胁。
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引用次数: 0
La triple alianza eurasiática. Irán, Turquía y Rusia a comienzos del siglo XXI 欧亚三国联盟。21世纪初的伊朗、土耳其和俄罗斯
Pub Date : 2019-05-21 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.152
F. Veiga
Entre Astana (Kazajistán) en 2017 y Sochi (Abjasia) al año siguiente, se conformó una triple alianza que agrupaba a Rusia, Irán y Turquía, en torno a los intentos de resolución diplomática de la guerra civil siria. Sin embargo, el evento posee unas raíces propias que arrancan de los diversos momentos y situaciones en los cuales cada uno de los protagonistas se enfrentó a la fallida política estratégica de los Estados Unidos  en la zona eurasiática a partir de 1991; e incluso antes, al menos en el caso iraní.  
在2017年的阿斯塔纳(哈萨克斯坦)和次年的索契(阿布哈兹)之间,俄罗斯、伊朗和土耳其组成了三国联盟,试图通过外交手段解决叙利亚内战。然而,这一事件有其自身的根源,源于1991年以来美国在欧亚地区失败的战略政策所面临的不同时刻和情况;甚至更早,至少在伊朗的情况下是这样。
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引用次数: 0
Introducción. Coordinador del monográfico. 介绍。专著协调员。
Pub Date : 2019-05-21 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.151
A. E. E. Farzannejad
...
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引用次数: 0
Una historia del movimiento neoconservador 新保守主义运动的历史
Pub Date : 2018-07-19 DOI: 10.5565/rev/tdevorado.141
Carlos González Villa
Reseña de Iglesias Cavicchioli, Manuel: La Visión Neoconservadora de las Relaciones Internacionales y la Política Exterior de los Estados Unidos.
曼纽尔·伊格莱西亚斯·卡维奇奥利评论:国际关系和美国外交政策的新保守主义观点。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Tiempo Devorado
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