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Decolonizing Critical Theory 非殖民化批判理论
4区 法学 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2019-11-26 DOI: 10.1108/s0278-120420190000036011
Kevin Olson
This chapter rethinks the future of critical theory by engaging Amy Allen’s recent work. Allen does the Frankfurt School a great service by drawing a sharp-edged picture of some significant problems. I aim to think along with her in a spirit of shared sympathies that follow sometimes divergent paths. I agree with Allen’s critique of Frankfurt tendencies toward Eurocentrism, progress thinking, and historical teleology. However, I also argue that critical theory must be more thoroughly reconfigured to adequately address the struggles and wishes of our age. Specifically, recent work of the Frankfurt School displaces critique in two important ways. The first is a tendency to work at a paradigmatic, meta-level of analysis rather than focusing on concrete problems. The second is a tendency to rely on democratic procedure for normativity without taking account of the tensions and contradictions in actual political cultures. In place of these uncritical tendencies, we need more interpretive and freely experimental critical strategies. One example is an interpretive approach that problematizes political cultures, revealing the tensions ignored by proceduralism. Another example lies in the rich archives of postcolonial thought that have had such a large impact on contemporary political and social life. Postcolonial critique is a non-dogmatic and flexible form of interpretation that has great potential to address problems of racism, international inequality, and the false universalism of many of our ideals.
这一章通过艾米·艾伦最近的作品来重新思考批判理论的未来。艾伦为法兰克福学派做出了巨大贡献,他对一些重大问题描绘了一幅清晰的图景。我的目标是与她一起思考,以一种有时会出现分歧的共同同情的精神。我同意艾伦对法兰克福倾向于欧洲中心主义、进步思想和历史目的论的批评。然而,我也认为,批判理论必须更彻底地重新配置,以充分解决我们这个时代的斗争和愿望。具体来说,法兰克福学派最近的研究在两个重要方面取代了批判。第一个是倾向于在范式、元层次的分析上工作,而不是专注于具体问题。第二种倾向是依赖民主程序来实现规范,而不考虑实际政治文化中的紧张和矛盾。为了取代这些不批判的倾向,我们需要更多的解释性和自由实验性的批判策略。一个例子是将政治文化问题化的解释方法,揭示了程序主义所忽视的紧张关系。另一个例子是丰富的后殖民思想档案,它们对当代政治和社会生活产生了巨大的影响。后殖民主义批判是一种非教条的、灵活的解释形式,在解决种族主义、国际不平等以及我们许多理想的错误普遍主义问题方面具有巨大的潜力。
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引用次数: 0
Rowan Williams and Hans-Georg Gadamer contra Jürgen Habermas: rethinking the problem of religion for liberals as a problem of dialogue 罗文·威廉姆斯和汉斯-格奥尔格·伽达默尔反对约尔根·哈贝马斯:将自由主义者的宗教问题重新思考为对话问题
4区 法学 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2016-11-22 DOI: 10.1108/S0278-120420160000035006
J. Cruickshank
Abstract Purpose In this paper I argue that the liberal problem of religion, which defines religion in terms of dogmatism or opaque justifications based on ‘revealed truth’, needs to be rethought as part of a broader problem of dialogue, which does not define religion as uniquely problematic. Methodology/approach Habermas argues for religious positions to be translated into ‘generally accessible language’ to incorporate religious citizens into democratic dialogue and resist the domination of instrumental rationality by enhancing ‘solidarity’. I contrast this with Rowan Williams’ and Gadamer’s work. Findings Williams conceptualises religion in terms of recognising the finitude of our being, rather than dogmatism or opacity. This recognition, he argues, allows people to transcend the ‘imaginative bereavement’ of seeing others as means. Using Williams, I argue that Habermas misdefines religion, and reinforces the domination of instrumental rationality by treating religion as a means. I then use Gadamer to argue that the points Williams makes about religion can apply to secular positions too by recognising them as traditions subject to finitude. Originality/value This is original because it argues that the liberal problem of religion misdefines both religion and secular positions, by not recognising that both are traditions defined by finitude. To reach, dialogically, a ‘fusion of horizons’, where religious and secular people are understood non-instrumentally in their own terms of reference, will take time and not trade on immediately manifest – ‘generally accessible’ – meanings.
在本文中,我认为,自由主义的宗教问题需要作为更广泛的对话问题的一部分来重新思考,它将宗教定义为教条主义或基于“揭示的真理”的不透明的理由,而不是将宗教定义为独特的问题。哈贝马斯主张将宗教立场翻译成“普遍可理解的语言”,将宗教公民纳入民主对话,并通过加强“团结”来抵制工具理性的统治。我将此与罗文·威廉姆斯和伽达默尔的研究进行对比。威廉姆斯将宗教概念化为认识到我们存在的有限性,而不是教条主义或不透明。他认为,这种认识让人们超越了将他人视为手段的“想象的丧亲之痛”。利用威廉姆斯的观点,我认为哈贝马斯错误地定义了宗教,并通过将宗教视为一种手段来强化工具理性的统治地位。然后,我用伽达默尔的观点来论证,威廉姆斯关于宗教的观点也可以适用于世俗立场,因为他们承认宗教是受制于有限的传统。这是原创的,因为它认为自由主义的宗教问题错误地定义了宗教和世俗立场,因为它没有认识到两者都是由有限性定义的传统。从对话的角度来看,要达到一种“视界融合”,即宗教和世俗的人在他们自己的参照系中被非工具性地理解,将需要时间,而不是在立即显现的“普遍可及”的意义上进行交易。
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引用次数: 1
Pharmaceutical Autonomy: Technology, Alliances, and Norms 药品自主:技术、联盟和规范
4区 法学 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2015-11-11 DOI: 10.1108/S0278-120420150000034003
M. Flynn
Abstract Purpose Understanding of the factors that contribute to policies diverging from neoliberal norms and accounting for situations when social movement activists prevail over the interests of more powerful opponents requires an analytical framework specifying the dimensions of interest. The case of Brazil’s pharmaceutical policies, especially those dealing with HIV/AIDS, is considered. Methodology/approach To understand the space and limits for progressive agency amidst contemporary globalization, previous articulations of dependent development and global capitalism require conceptual space with insights from social movement theory and normative framing. Findings Control over technology, political alliances, and normative appeals have changed since the concept of dependent development to today’s contemporary neoliberal globalization for understanding cases of progressive agency. Technology is based more on intangible knowledge, activism across the state-society boundary is more likely, and human rights has become the dominant idiom for naming and shaming more powerful opponents. Research limitations/implications The analytic framework developed informs our understanding of pharmaceutical autonomy – the ability of a country to provide for the prescription drug needs of its population – in the case of Brazil. Further research of other situations requires the application of the framework to determine its merits. Originality/value A focus on technology, alliances, and norms provides a useful starting point for exploring situations of development autonomy that prevails over the interests of corporate power.
摘要目的理解导致政策偏离新自由主义规范的因素,并解释社会运动活动家战胜更强大对手利益的情况,需要一个明确利益维度的分析框架。审议了巴西的医药政策,特别是处理艾滋病毒/艾滋病的政策。为了理解当代全球化中进步机构的空间和限制,之前对依赖发展和全球资本主义的表述需要具有社会运动理论和规范框架见解的概念空间。从依赖发展的概念到今天的当代新自由主义全球化,对技术、政治联盟和规范诉求的控制已经发生了变化,以理解进步机构的案例。技术更多地建立在无形知识的基础上,跨越国家和社会边界的行动主义更有可能发生,而人权已经成为指名道姓和羞辱更强大的对手的主要用语。研究的局限性/影响所开发的分析框架使我们了解了药物自主——一个国家为其人口提供处方药需求的能力——以巴西为例。对其他情况的进一步研究需要应用该框架来确定其优点。独创性/价值对技术、联盟和规范的关注为探索凌驾于公司权力利益之上的发展自治的情况提供了一个有用的起点。
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引用次数: 3
Conceptualizing globalization in terms of flows 从流动的角度概念化全球化
4区 法学 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2010-09-30 DOI: 10.1108/S0278-1204(2010)0000027011
P. Rey, G. Ritzer
George Ritzer (2010) recently conceptualized globalization in terms of liquidity and, especially, flows. This conceptualization is largely rooted in Zygmunt Bauman's theory of a world dominated by increasing liquidity. However, neither Bauman nor Ritzer put these ideas in the context of their intellectual genealogy. This essay seeks to do that by reviewing the surprisingly rich history of thought pertaining to these ideas, especially flows. Through this review we also hope to call attention to some long-debated philosophical questions that inform how a theory of flows (and structures) can be applied to our contemporary globalized world.
George Ritzer(2010)最近将全球化概念化为流动性,尤其是流动。这一概念在很大程度上植根于齐格蒙特·鲍曼(Zygmunt Bauman)关于流动性增加主宰世界的理论。然而,鲍曼和里策尔都没有把这些观点放在他们的知识谱系中。这篇文章试图通过回顾与这些思想有关的惊人的丰富的思想史来做到这一点,特别是流动。通过这篇综述,我们也希望引起人们对一些长期争论的哲学问题的关注,这些问题告诉我们如何将流动(和结构)理论应用于我们当代全球化的世界。
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引用次数: 6
From Exceptionalism to Imperialism: Culture, Character, and American Foreign Policy 从例外论到帝国主义:文化、性格与美国外交政策
4区 法学 Q4 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2006-09-19 DOI: 10.1016/S0278-1204(06)24004-0
L. Langman, Meghan A. Burke
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引用次数: 0
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