Pub Date : 2022-05-06DOI: 10.1080/02606755.2022.2065731
Rosamaria R. Alibrandi
The Editors of Parliaments, Estates and Representation, and Taylor & Francis as Publisher of Parliaments, Estates and Representation, originally accepted this article in good faith, following scholarly peer review. It has subsequently been brought to our attention that passages in this article were substantially reproduced and reworded without correct and proper attribution in direct contravention with academic practice and publication ethics.
{"title":"Statement of Retraction: The crisis of parliamentary systems in Europe: Italy in the interwar period","authors":"Rosamaria R. Alibrandi","doi":"10.1080/02606755.2022.2065731","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2022.2065731","url":null,"abstract":"The Editors of Parliaments, Estates and Representation, and Taylor & Francis as Publisher of Parliaments, Estates and Representation, originally accepted this article in good faith, following scholarly peer review. It has subsequently been brought to our attention that passages in this article were substantially reproduced and reworded without correct and proper attribution in direct contravention with academic practice and publication ethics.","PeriodicalId":53586,"journal":{"name":"Parliaments, Estates and Representation","volume":"272 1","pages":"235 - 235"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"87079421","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02606755.2022.2084288
Lothar Höbelt
ABSTRACT Aleksander Petrino (1824–99) was the only Austrian government minister who came from its eastern-most ‘crown-land’, the Bukovina – the only one without a clear-cut ethnic majority. Ukrainians were the biggest group but were massively under-represented among the elites. A sizeable part of the leadership of the Rumanians consisted of Phanariot Greeks, such as Petrino. Austrian politics in the opening phase of constitutionalism during the 1860s was characterized by a cleavage between centralist German Liberals and federalist and Catholic Slavs. Bukovina representatives did not easily fit into either category. Petrino, who also worked assiduously as a lobbyist for railroad companies, initially sided with the German Liberals, then organized a gathering of minorities from different parts of the Austrian half of the Empire, including Italians and Slovenes. It was the decision of this squadrone volante to join the Czech and Polish boycott of the Vienna Parliament in March 1870 that persuaded the Emperor to finally dismiss the German Liberal Bürgerministerium (‘Citizens’ Ministry’).
{"title":"Aleksander Petrino. A Greek condottiere in the Austrian Parliament","authors":"Lothar Höbelt","doi":"10.1080/02606755.2022.2084288","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2022.2084288","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT Aleksander Petrino (1824–99) was the only Austrian government minister who came from its eastern-most ‘crown-land’, the Bukovina – the only one without a clear-cut ethnic majority. Ukrainians were the biggest group but were massively under-represented among the elites. A sizeable part of the leadership of the Rumanians consisted of Phanariot Greeks, such as Petrino. Austrian politics in the opening phase of constitutionalism during the 1860s was characterized by a cleavage between centralist German Liberals and federalist and Catholic Slavs. Bukovina representatives did not easily fit into either category. Petrino, who also worked assiduously as a lobbyist for railroad companies, initially sided with the German Liberals, then organized a gathering of minorities from different parts of the Austrian half of the Empire, including Italians and Slovenes. It was the decision of this squadrone volante to join the Czech and Polish boycott of the Vienna Parliament in March 1870 that persuaded the Emperor to finally dismiss the German Liberal Bürgerministerium (‘Citizens’ Ministry’).","PeriodicalId":53586,"journal":{"name":"Parliaments, Estates and Representation","volume":"37 1","pages":"168 - 180"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85014531","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02606755.2022.2084295
K. Chrysogonos
ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to examine whether the specific method of constitution-making in Southern Europe during the nineteenth century, and in particular the entanglement of an elected assembly with it, played any role in its outcome. The conclusion, based on a country-by-country report, is that the methods of constitution-making oscillated between royal concession, co-operation between the monarch and an elected assembly, and enactment of a fundamental law by an assembly alone. The participation of an elected assembly would frequently result in a document somewhat more liberal and more democratic than in the case of fundamental laws conceded by the monarch. However, the differences were not huge. Constitutions made by an assembly seem furthermore to have fared on average somewhat better than conceded constitutions, as far as their endurance is concerned. Concession and contract were however gradually falling into disuse as methods of constitution-making, ceding their place to (constituent) assemblies on a Pan-European scale. Since consent is obviously inscribed in the genome of constitutionalism as the fundamental organizational principle of society, it is to be expected that the symbolic foundation of a political community will be laid through the institutionalized consent of the members of this community.
{"title":"Constitution-making by elected assemblies in Southern Europe during the nineteenth century","authors":"K. Chrysogonos","doi":"10.1080/02606755.2022.2084295","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2022.2084295","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT The aim of this article is to examine whether the specific method of constitution-making in Southern Europe during the nineteenth century, and in particular the entanglement of an elected assembly with it, played any role in its outcome. The conclusion, based on a country-by-country report, is that the methods of constitution-making oscillated between royal concession, co-operation between the monarch and an elected assembly, and enactment of a fundamental law by an assembly alone. The participation of an elected assembly would frequently result in a document somewhat more liberal and more democratic than in the case of fundamental laws conceded by the monarch. However, the differences were not huge. Constitutions made by an assembly seem furthermore to have fared on average somewhat better than conceded constitutions, as far as their endurance is concerned. Concession and contract were however gradually falling into disuse as methods of constitution-making, ceding their place to (constituent) assemblies on a Pan-European scale. Since consent is obviously inscribed in the genome of constitutionalism as the fundamental organizational principle of society, it is to be expected that the symbolic foundation of a political community will be laid through the institutionalized consent of the members of this community.","PeriodicalId":53586,"journal":{"name":"Parliaments, Estates and Representation","volume":"64 1","pages":"109 - 121"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85372564","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02606755.2022.2084289
Vida Janavi
ABSTRACT This article aims to provide a better understanding of how the Iranian parliament building, as an assemblage of buildings, urban spaces, narratives and similar symbols, shapes, reshapes and negotiates the Iranian concept of its political self since the establishment of the parliamentary structure in 1906. It examines the political practices, ideologies and consciousness of people affected by different political concepts embedded in each regime. This article discusses the involvement of spaces in creating historical events. Despite similar historical studies, it focuses on where the history of constituting the Iranian Parliament happened. It does so by reviewing and analysing the archives, documents and new urban plans for the Iranian Parliament.
{"title":"The historical transformation of the Iranian parliamentary complex","authors":"Vida Janavi","doi":"10.1080/02606755.2022.2084289","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2022.2084289","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article aims to provide a better understanding of how the Iranian parliament building, as an assemblage of buildings, urban spaces, narratives and similar symbols, shapes, reshapes and negotiates the Iranian concept of its political self since the establishment of the parliamentary structure in 1906. It examines the political practices, ideologies and consciousness of people affected by different political concepts embedded in each regime. This article discusses the involvement of spaces in creating historical events. Despite similar historical studies, it focuses on where the history of constituting the Iranian Parliament happened. It does so by reviewing and analysing the archives, documents and new urban plans for the Iranian Parliament.","PeriodicalId":53586,"journal":{"name":"Parliaments, Estates and Representation","volume":"34 1","pages":"181 - 199"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80136720","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02606755.2022.2084292
David Zaret
ABSTRACT During the first five months of the new Grey administration (22 November to the 22 April 1831 dissolution), parliament received more petitions over the contentious issue of parliamentary reform than in any prior episode of mass petitioning. This case study uses unusual records with granular evidence from the professional management of a reactionary campaign for petitions against the 1831 Reform Bill. The records are from the law firm that managed the campaign, underwritten by the Duke of Northumberland, one of the realms richest magnates. The duke’s initiative proceeded despite negative assessments by local Tory leaders, who correctly predicted the petitions would get few signatures and be a public relations disaster. The duke’s initiative received more derisive publicity than any other petition campaign in this first phase of the Reform Bill’s political odyssey. This study of a failed petition campaign does not alter what we know about the substance or progress of legislation that became the 1832 Reform Act. Instead, it sheds new light on the broader issue of change and continuity in public petitioning with regard to 1) the credibility of opinion represented in petitions and 2) professional management of mass petition campaigns as routine legal practice.
在格雷新政府的前五个月(11月22日至1831年4月22日解散)，议会收到的关于议会改革的请愿比以往任何一次大规模请愿都要多。本案例研究使用了不同寻常的记录和细致的证据，这些证据来自反对1831年改革法案的请愿运动的专业管理。这些记录来自管理竞选活动的律师事务所，由诺森伯兰郡公爵(Duke of Northumberland)赞助，他是英国最富有的大亨之一。尽管当地保守党领袖做出了负面评价，公爵的倡议仍在继续，他们正确地预测到请愿书将获得很少的签名，并成为一场公共关系灾难。在改革法案的政治旅程的第一阶段，公爵的倡议比任何其他请愿活动都受到了更多的嘲讽。对一次失败的请愿运动的研究并没有改变我们对1832年改革法案的实质或立法进展的了解。相反，它揭示了公众请愿的变化和连续性这一更广泛的问题:1)请愿所代表的意见的可信度和2)大规模请愿运动作为常规法律实践的专业管理。
{"title":"Fabricating opinion: the Duke of Northumberland’s subscription campaign for petitions to parliament against the 1831 Reform Bill","authors":"David Zaret","doi":"10.1080/02606755.2022.2084292","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2022.2084292","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT During the first five months of the new Grey administration (22 November to the 22 April 1831 dissolution), parliament received more petitions over the contentious issue of parliamentary reform than in any prior episode of mass petitioning. This case study uses unusual records with granular evidence from the professional management of a reactionary campaign for petitions against the 1831 Reform Bill. The records are from the law firm that managed the campaign, underwritten by the Duke of Northumberland, one of the realms richest magnates. The duke’s initiative proceeded despite negative assessments by local Tory leaders, who correctly predicted the petitions would get few signatures and be a public relations disaster. The duke’s initiative received more derisive publicity than any other petition campaign in this first phase of the Reform Bill’s political odyssey. This study of a failed petition campaign does not alter what we know about the substance or progress of legislation that became the 1832 Reform Act. Instead, it sheds new light on the broader issue of change and continuity in public petitioning with regard to 1) the credibility of opinion represented in petitions and 2) professional management of mass petition campaigns as routine legal practice.","PeriodicalId":53586,"journal":{"name":"Parliaments, Estates and Representation","volume":"124 1","pages":"122 - 146"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"88627290","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02606755.2022.2096394
{"title":"Helen Maud Cam Travel Grants for Scholars to attend the Paris conference of ICHRPI/CIHAE 2022","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/02606755.2022.2096394","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2022.2096394","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53586,"journal":{"name":"Parliaments, Estates and Representation","volume":"86 1","pages":"220 - 220"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"80011801","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-05-04DOI: 10.1080/02606755.2022.2084296
J. Pál, V. Popovici
ABSTRACT This article focuses on the transition from the diet of estates to the modern parliament in Transylvania – a province of the Habsburg monarchy until 1867 and part of dualist Hungary between 1867 and 1918. It discusses the evolution of the electoral legislation and its relation to the general political context of the Habsburg monarchy and that of the province, and analyses the structural changes of the body of representatives in the succession of provincial and state assemblies, diets and parliaments that took place from the late 1840s to the late 1860s. Its main aims are to highlight the dependency relationship between the provincial representative institution and the major political changes atop the monarchy, and the effects of this situation on the transition process towards a wider and more representative franchise based on modern liberal principles. This article also discusses some of the most important changes undergone by the body of provincial representatives during this period. This includes their relationship to the political dependency previously mentioned, and how the traditional elites managed to maintain and sometimes even strengthen their political standing.
{"title":"From the diet of estates to the parliament. The case of Transylvania (1846–69)","authors":"J. Pál, V. Popovici","doi":"10.1080/02606755.2022.2084296","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2022.2084296","url":null,"abstract":"ABSTRACT This article focuses on the transition from the diet of estates to the modern parliament in Transylvania – a province of the Habsburg monarchy until 1867 and part of dualist Hungary between 1867 and 1918. It discusses the evolution of the electoral legislation and its relation to the general political context of the Habsburg monarchy and that of the province, and analyses the structural changes of the body of representatives in the succession of provincial and state assemblies, diets and parliaments that took place from the late 1840s to the late 1860s. Its main aims are to highlight the dependency relationship between the provincial representative institution and the major political changes atop the monarchy, and the effects of this situation on the transition process towards a wider and more representative franchise based on modern liberal principles. This article also discusses some of the most important changes undergone by the body of provincial representatives during this period. This includes their relationship to the political dependency previously mentioned, and how the traditional elites managed to maintain and sometimes even strengthen their political standing.","PeriodicalId":53586,"journal":{"name":"Parliaments, Estates and Representation","volume":"115 1","pages":"147 - 167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-05-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"85969003","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-01-02DOI: 10.1080/02606755.2022.2053933
{"title":"74th Conference of the International Commission for the History of Representative and Parliamentary Institutions (ICHRPI)","authors":"","doi":"10.1080/02606755.2022.2053933","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2022.2053933","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":53586,"journal":{"name":"Parliaments, Estates and Representation","volume":"27 1","pages":"106 - 106"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-01-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"81175093","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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