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Federally funding human embryonic stem cell research: an administrative analysis. 联邦资助的人类胚胎干细胞研究:行政分析。
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 2000-01-01
G S Gross
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引用次数: 0
When is Command-and-Control Efficient? Institutions, Technology, and the Comparative Efficiency of Alternative Regulatory Regimes for Environmental Protection 什么时候指挥控制是有效的?制度、技术和环境保护替代监管制度的比较效率
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 1999-01-01 DOI: 10.4324/9781315197296-7
D. Cole, P. Grossman
Contrary to the conventional wisdom among economists and legal scholars, command-and-control (CAC) environmental regulations are not inherently inefficient or invariably less efficient than alternative "economic" instruments (EI). In fact, CAC regimes can be and have been efficient (producing net social benefits), even more efficient in some cases that alternative EI regimes. Standard economic accounts of CAC are insensitive to the historical, technological, and institutional contexts that can influence (and sometimes determine) the efficiency of alternative regulatory regimes. A regime that is nominally or relatively efficient in one set of circumstances may be nominally or relatively inefficient in another. In some cases, given the marginal costs of pollution control, technological constraints, and existing institutions, CAC can be the most efficient means of achieving a society's environmental protection goals. This paper reviews the empirical literature on environmental regulation and finds that CAC is not inherently inefficient or invariably less efficient that EI. In addition, the paper elaborates a model through five stylized cases, which demonstrate how alternative approaches to environmental regulation are more or less efficient depending on institutional and technological factors that affect overall regulatory costs. Finally, the model is empirically supported by a detailed history of the U.S. Clean Air Act's regulatory regime. Viewed as an evolutionary process, occurring within an institutional and technological framework, it was (nominally and relatively) efficient for Congress to rely, in the early years of federal air pollution control, on CAC regulations, and then in more recent years to begin experimenting with efficiency-enhancing EI.
与经济学家和法律学者的传统观点相反,命令与控制(CAC)环境法规并非天生低效,也并非总是比其他“经济”工具(EI)效率更低。事实上,CAC制度可以并且已经是有效的(产生净社会效益),在某些情况下甚至比其他EI制度更有效。CAC的标准经济核算对可能影响(有时决定)替代监管制度效率的历史、技术和制度背景不敏感。在一种情况下名义上或相对有效的制度,在另一种情况下可能名义上或相对无效。在某些情况下,考虑到污染控制的边际成本、技术限制和现有制度,CAC可能是实现社会环境保护目标的最有效手段。本文回顾了有关环境监管的实证文献,发现CAC并非天生就没有效率,也不一定比EI效率低。此外,本文通过五个风格化的案例阐述了一个模型,这些案例展示了环境监管的替代方法是如何根据影响总体监管成本的制度和技术因素而提高或降低效率的。最后,该模型得到了美国《清洁空气法》监管制度详细历史的实证支持。从制度和技术框架来看,这是一个渐进的过程,在联邦空气污染控制的早期,国会依靠CAC法规(名义上和相对而言)是有效的,然后在最近几年开始试验提高效率的EI。
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引用次数: 139
DNA patentability--anything but obvious. DNA的可专利性——一点也不明显。
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 1997-01-01
J S Dillen

The DNA-sequencing blitz, made possible in the early 1980s by improved genetic technology, has descended on the patent office in the form of thousands of patent applications for sequences. Controversy over the obviousness of certain sequences has led to a string of recent cases in the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit (CAFC). In each of three opinions, the court held that DNA sequences are non-obvious, and therefore patentable. Due to a mysterious aversion by the court to apply the standard analyses for obviousness, coupled with a lack of scientific prowess, the CAFC's decisions lack both legal and technical coherence. Also, due to the time lag between invention, application, and appeal, much of the judicial rationale has been based on a level of technology a decade old--primitive by today's standards. A careful application of the obviousness standard in light of today's technology demonstrates that obviousness may yet pose a threat to biotechnologists.

dna测序闪电战在20世纪80年代早期由于基因技术的改进而成为可能,以数以千计的序列专利申请的形式降临到专利局。关于某些序列的明显性的争议导致了美国联邦巡回上诉法院(CAFC)最近的一系列案件。在三个意见中,法院都认为DNA序列是非显而易见的,因此可以申请专利。由于法院对应用标准分析的明显性有一种神秘的厌恶,再加上缺乏科学实力,CAFC的决定既缺乏法律上的一致性,也缺乏技术上的一致性。此外,由于发明、申请和上诉之间的时间差,许多司法依据都是基于十年前的技术水平——以今天的标准来看是原始的。根据今天的技术,仔细应用明显性标准表明,明显性仍可能对生物技术专家构成威胁。
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引用次数: 0
Pushing the limits of informed consent: Johnson v. Kokemoor and physician-specific disclosure. 推动知情同意的极限:Johnson v. Kokemoor和医生特定披露。
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 1997-01-01
R A Heinemann
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引用次数: 0
Jones v. Gerhardstein: the involuntarily committed mental patient's right to refuse treatment with psychotropic drugs. 琼斯诉格哈德斯坦:非自愿精神病人拒绝接受精神药物治疗的权利。
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 1990-01-01
D M J Ledwith

The question of whether an involuntary committed mental patient has a fundamental right to refuse treatment with psychotropic drugs continues to be a subject of much debate. Over the past twenty-five years, psychotropic drugs have become the most common form of treatment for the mentally ill. For many patients, these drugs provide substantial benefits; for others, however, they produce severe, sometimes debilitating, side effects. Because of the possibility of serious harm to the patient and because of the potential for abuse of drug treatment by psychiatric staffs, the mental health bar generally has argued for increased procedural protection for mental patients. In Jones v. Gerhardstein, the Wisconsin Supreme Court responded to these concerns by requiring that a judicial hearing be held on the issue of a patient's competency to refuse treatment before the attending physician may administer medication without the patient's consent. This Note discusses the controversy between the legal and medical communities over treatment refusal by mentally ill patients in light of the impact of the Jones decision on institutional practice and on refusing patients. The author argues that the strictly rights-based analysis used by the Jones court has done little to benefit involuntarily committed mental patients. The author suggests alternative ways of approaching treatment refusal that might be more responsive to the distinctive needs of the mentally ill.

非自愿精神病患者是否有拒绝接受精神药物治疗的基本权利,这一问题一直是一个争论不休的话题。在过去的25年里,精神药物已经成为治疗精神疾病最常见的形式。对许多患者来说,这些药物提供了实质性的好处;然而,对另一些人来说,它们会产生严重的,有时会使人虚弱的副作用。由于可能对病人造成严重伤害,也由于精神科工作人员滥用药物治疗的可能性,精神卫生协会通常主张增加对精神病人的程序保护。在琼斯诉格哈德斯坦案中,威斯康辛州最高法院回应了这些担忧,要求在主治医生未经患者同意给药之前,就患者拒绝治疗的能力问题举行司法听证会。这篇文章讨论了法律和医学界之间的争议,在琼斯决定对机构实践和拒绝病人的影响下,精神病患者拒绝治疗。作者认为,琼斯法院所采用的严格基于权利的分析对非自愿精神病人几乎没有什么好处。作者提出了另一种处理拒绝治疗的方法,这种方法可能更能满足精神疾病患者的特殊需求。
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引用次数: 0
Equalizing Remediation 平衡修复
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.59015/wlr.bhsb5188
Chinonso I. Anozie
Environmental harm remediation occurs far less than it should in minority and low-income communities. One in six Americans live within three miles of a designated toxic waste or contaminated site, which causes a variety of health hazards. Frequently, these sites are located within minority or low-income communities. Multinational corporations and even governmental agencies sometimes intentionally or negligently exploit loopholes to escape responsibility, especially when poor or low-income communities are involved. Lead agencies that focus on remediation efforts tend to have fewer resources in poorer areas. By contrast, in affluent communities, offending companies commence remediation efforts much more quickly. Such disparate remediation efforts contravene the principle of environmental justice. Delayed or inadequate environmental remediation exacerbates harm across the country, and it disproportionately harms numerous underprivileged U.S. communities. Often, environmental justice scholars and advocates focus on equal enforcement of current environmental protection laws. I argue current environmental protection laws leave room for unequal remediation, and equalizing remediation does not lie in the strict enforcement of current environmental protection laws, particularly, when similarly situated communities are involved. This Article initiates the conversation towards equalizing remediation by highlighting failures to equalize environmental harm remediation activities. It advocates for new policies, which better ensure no community is shortchanged in such activities based on race, geographical location, or income level. It argues for various statutory amendments and distinct regulations capable of better promoting equalized remediation of environmental harms and thereby advancing environmental justice.
在少数民族和低收入社区,环境损害补救的发生远远低于应有的水平。六分之一的美国人居住在指定的有毒废物或受污染地点三英里内,这对健康造成了各种危害。这些地点通常位于少数民族或低收入社区。跨国公司甚至政府机构有时有意或无意地利用漏洞逃避责任,特别是涉及贫穷或低收入社区时。专注于整治工作的领导机构往往在贫困地区拥有较少的资源。相比之下,在富裕的社区,违规公司会更快地启动补救措施。这种分散的整治措施违背了环境正义原则。延迟或不充分的环境修复加剧了全国范围内的危害,并不成比例地损害了美国众多贫困社区。通常,环境正义学者和倡导者关注的是现行环境保护法的平等执行。我认为,现行的环境保护法律为不平等的补救留出了空间,而平等的补救并不在于现行环境保护法律的严格执行,特别是在涉及类似情况的社区时。本文通过强调在平衡环境危害补救活动方面的失败,发起了关于平衡补救的对话。它倡导新的政策,以更好地确保没有任何社区在此类活动中因种族、地理位置或收入水平而受到亏待。它主张进行各种法律修订和明确的条例,以便更好地促进对环境危害的平等补救,从而促进环境正义。
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引用次数: 0
What it Takes to Curb the Court 如何遏制法院
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.59015/wlr.gxea6246
It is that time again, as it seems to be every several generations, when Court-curbing is in the air. And yet, this period of Court-curbing is importantly different from prior times in which Court-curbing was successful. Start with this obvious point: in prior instances in which attacks on the Court succeeded in some fashion, the challengers had the political muscle to threaten the Court. Now, to be blunt, they don’t have the votes. For that reason alone, much of today’s talk of curbing the Court is overly optimistic at best. The central question I pursue here is what it would take for the Court to be in actual jeopardy? Drawing from history, I derive a simple set of requirements. There must be a well-defined crisis, as opposed to diffuse frustration and dread about the Court. There also must be a focused, close fit between the nature of the crisis and the proposed remedy. Both of these are necessary to get public support behind a Court-curbing measure. And third, of course, is the votes: support in the political branches is essential to take action against the Court, for the public—no matter how discontent it might be—cannot punish the Court alone. None of this is the case at present. There is indeed a crisis surrounding the Court, but it is a collection of varied concerns. There is no one focal remedy, but a mélange of proposals. Some Court decisions are out of line with public sentiment and have engendered majoritarian controversy, but other decisions, while unpopular on the left, still have majority support in the country. Perhaps most important, the political system has slid into dysfunction such that it no longer represents majority will anyway—making it extremely difficult to challenge the Court, even if the justices slide over the line. The final question I take up is what the future might hold. I explore a range of possibilities, from bipartisan support for structural change around the selection system for Supreme Court justices to the justices moving so boldly that they get in hot water and are disciplined. Ultimately, though, I fear outcomes such as these are unlikely, ultimately driving the country toward constitutional crisis.
现在又到了这个时候,似乎每隔几代人就会出现一次,即法院限制盛行。然而,这一时期的法院限制与之前法院限制成功的时期有着重要的不同。从这个明显的观点开始:在以前对法院的攻击以某种方式取得成功的情况下,挑战者拥有威胁法院的政治力量。现在,坦率地说,他们没有选票。仅仅因为这个原因,今天很多关于限制最高法院的讨论充其量是过于乐观了。我在这里要追问的核心问题是什么情况下法院才会真正处于危险之中?根据历史,我得出了一组简单的需求。必须有一种明确的危机,而不是对法院弥漫的沮丧和恐惧。在危机的性质与拟议的补救措施之间,还必须有一个重点突出的紧密契合。这两点对于获得公众对法院限制措施的支持都是必要的。第三,当然是选票:政治部门的支持对于采取反对最高法院的行动至关重要,因为公众——无论多么不满——不能单独惩罚最高法院。目前情况并非如此。法院确实存在危机,但它是各种问题的集合。没有一个集中的补救办法,而是一系列的建议。法院的一些裁决与公众情绪不符,引发了多数主义的争议,但其他裁决虽然在左翼不受欢迎,但仍得到了该国多数人的支持。也许最重要的是,政治体系已经陷入功能失调,以至于它不再代表大多数人,这使得挑战法院变得极其困难,即使法官们越过了界限。我的最后一个问题是未来会怎样。我探索了一系列可能性,从两党支持围绕最高法院法官遴选制度进行结构性改革,到法官们行动过于大胆以至于陷入困境并受到纪律处分。不过,我担心这样的结果最终不太可能出现,最终会把这个国家推向宪法危机。
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引用次数: 0
(A)woke Workplaces (一)工作场所醒来
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.59015/wlr.ksjv1288
Michael Z. Green
With heightened expectations for a reckoning in response to the broad support for the Black Lives Matter movement after the senseless murder of George Floyd in 2020, employers explored many options to improve racial understanding through discussions with workers. In rejecting any notions of the existence of structural or systemic discrimination, let alone the need to address the consequences of such discrimination, certain groups have begun to oppose BLM by seeking to diminish any social justice actions. One of those key resistance efforts includes labelling in pejorative terms any employers that pursue anti-racism objectives via social justice statements or internal initiatives as being “woke” workplaces. These groups have also criticized employers who adopt diversity, equity, and inclusion training to help workers address racial differences by arguing these sessions apply divisive Critical Race Theory principles that discriminate against and seek to stigmatize white participants. By using CRT and woke labels as weapons, critics leave employers in the unenviable position of determining how to implement antiracism trainings in an environment of BLM reforms and race discrimination concerns. These all-encompassing anti-anti-racism narratives now force employers to show how their DEI trainings and related initiatives do not discriminate against white employees. This Article offers unique insight for employers who pursue DEI measures to achieve racial progress and asserts they may circumvent antianti-racism narratives by continuing to rely on the litigation reforms and stillpresent empirical results that led to the growth of DEI training practices in the 1990s. Many employers had adopted DEI initiatives as good corporate citizens valuing diversity in human resources as a growth of affirmative action in the 1970s. With legal concerns in the 1990s about huge jury verdicts in discrimination lawsuits and empirical indicators of systemic discrimination, employers embraced more comprehensive racial improvement and training steps via written consent decrees and judicially approved settlements. This Article concludes that awoke employers should adopt broader DEI goals and limit training on entry-level racial awareness given empirical data suggesting this particular approach tends to spark backlash without any resulting diversity improvements. Instead, awoke employers understand that most constituents want them to act and lead responsibly regarding comprehensive DEI measures by going beyond legal protections. Training can focus on managers who may subject a company to employment discrimination liability. Awoke training integrates key follow-ups and correlates to measurable DEI results. Focusing on DEI training alone ignores the more important structural change work.
在2020年乔治·弗洛伊德(George Floyd)被毫无意义地谋杀后,“黑人的命也是命”(Black Lives Matter)运动获得了广泛支持,随着人们对“审判”的期望越来越高,雇主们通过与工人讨论,探索了许多改善种族理解的选择。在拒绝任何关于存在结构性或系统性歧视的概念,更不用说需要解决这种歧视的后果时,某些团体已经开始通过试图减少任何社会正义行动来反对土地管理。其中一项关键的抵抗行动包括,用贬义词给那些通过社会正义声明或内部倡议来追求反种族主义目标的雇主贴上“觉醒”工作场所的标签。这些组织还批评雇主采用多元化、公平和包容性培训来帮助员工解决种族差异,认为这些培训应用了分裂性的“批判种族理论”原则,歧视并试图使白人参与者蒙上污名。通过使用CRT和觉醒标签作为武器,批评者将雇主置于一个不令人羡慕的位置,即决定如何在BLM改革和种族歧视问题的环境中实施反种族主义培训。这些无所不包的反种族主义言论现在迫使雇主展示他们的DEI培训和相关举措如何不歧视白人员工。这篇文章为那些追求DEI措施以实现种族进步的雇主提供了独特的见解,并断言他们可以通过继续依赖诉讼改革来规避反种族主义的叙述,并且仍然提出了导致20世纪90年代DEI培训实践增长的实证结果。许多雇主将DEI倡议视为良好的企业公民,重视人力资源的多样性,这是20世纪70年代平权行动的发展。20世纪90年代,由于法律上对歧视诉讼中陪审团的巨额裁决以及系统性歧视的实证指标感到担忧,雇主们通过书面同意令和司法批准的和解,采取了更全面的种族改善和培训措施。本文的结论是,觉醒的雇主应该采用更广泛的DEI目标,并限制对入门级种族意识的培训,因为经验数据表明,这种特殊的方法往往会引发反弹,而不会带来任何多样性的改善。相反,觉醒的雇主明白,大多数选民希望他们超越法律保护,在全面的DEI措施方面采取负责任的行动和领导。培训可以集中在可能使公司承担就业歧视责任的管理人员身上。觉醒训练整合了关键的随访,并与可测量的DEI结果相关。只关注DEI训练忽略了更重要的结构改变工作。
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引用次数: 1
Religious Liberty for all? A religious right to abortion 所有人的宗教自由?堕胎的宗教权利
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.59015/wlr.wbga9226
One of the most notable trends in recent Supreme Court jurisprudence is the expansion of religious liberty rights. The right to practice one’s faith is a core feature of a democracy, but the Supreme Court has privileged that right over other equally critical ones, most notably the right to equal treatment. Thus, for example, the Court has held that for-profit companies have a religious right to exclude contraception from their health insurance plans and that nonprofit charities have a religious right to refuse to place foster children with same-sex couples. In these and similar cases, the religious beliefs aligned with conservative Christianity. But what if the religious liberty claim were not brought by a conservative Christian but by a progressive Christian, or not a Christian at all, and the religious belief collided with traditional Christian ideology? More precisely, what might be the result of a religious liberty challenge to an abortion ban? This question is not farfetched, as Jewish and other faith groups in multiple states are challenging restrictive abortion laws based upon religious freedom. These plaintiffs argue that their state’s abortion ban impedes their ability to live out the commandments of their faith. Would the Supreme Court retrench its religious liberty doctrine in the face of these lawsuits? Or would expansive religious liberty exemptions be available for progressive views as well as conservative ones? Or neither? This Essay examines that question, as well as the implications of denying the progressive religious liberty claim. Part I outlines the ballooning of religious liberty rights, and how they have usually helped conservative white Christians at the expense of less powerful groups. Part II applies the current expansive doctrine to a claim for a religious right to abortion, arguing it should succeed given recent decisions. Part III suggests that, despite the current doctrine, the Court will likely reject the claim and discusses what this failure indicates about the future of the Supreme Court.
最近最高法院判例中最显著的趋势之一是宗教自由权利的扩大。实践自己信仰的权利是民主的核心特征,但最高法院将这一权利置于其他同等重要的权利之上,最明显的是平等待遇的权利。因此,例如,法院认为,营利公司有宗教权利将避孕排除在其健康保险计划之外,非营利慈善机构有宗教权利拒绝将寄养儿童安置给同性伴侣。在这些和类似的案例中,宗教信仰与保守的基督教一致。但是,如果宗教自由的主张不是由一个保守的基督徒提出的,而是由一个进步的基督徒提出的,或者根本不是一个基督徒,并且宗教信仰与传统的基督教意识形态发生了冲突呢?更确切地说,以宗教自由挑战堕胎禁令的结果可能是什么?这个问题并不牵强,因为多个州的犹太人和其他信仰团体正在挑战基于宗教自由的限制性堕胎法。这些原告辩称,他们所在州的堕胎禁令阻碍了他们履行信仰戒律的能力。面对这些诉讼,最高法院会缩减其宗教自由原则吗?或者广泛的宗教自由豁免对进步观点和保守观点都适用吗?或不?本文探讨了这个问题,以及否认进步的宗教自由主张的含义。第一部分概述了宗教自由权利的膨胀,以及它们通常是如何以牺牲弱小群体为代价帮助保守的白人基督徒的。第二部分将目前的扩张性原则应用于堕胎的宗教权利主张,认为鉴于最近的决定,它应该成功。第三部分表明,尽管有当前的原则,法院很可能会驳回这一主张,并讨论这一失败对最高法院未来的影响。
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引用次数: 1
Fixing the Confirmation Process, or Fiddling While Rome Burns 修正确认程序,还是在罗马燃烧时瞎折腾
IF 0.6 4区 社会学 Q2 LAW Pub Date : 1900-01-01 DOI: 10.59015/wlr.kkom8752
Caroline R. Fredrickson
This Symposium was designed to address the question of “controlling the Court through a broken confirmation process: how to fix it going forward?” But before we can answer that question, we must answer: What is the problem to be addressed? Do we need to fix the confirmation process because it enables troubling outcomes or because the process itself raises concerns? My Essay will address both of these questions, suggesting that there is both a substantive problem and a normative one. Each of these questions could elicit different answers. The normative problem is that the confirmation process itself undermines rule of law and an independent judiciary (or at least its appearance). The substantive problem is that the Court’s rulings are wrong, out of step with broadly held public views, and dangerous to democracy itself. I argue it is misguided to think we can defer fixing the substantive problem and address only the normative problem initially. This Court poses a direct threat to our democracy and thus we need an immediate response to that existential danger.
这次研讨会的目的是讨论“通过一个不完善的确认程序来控制最高法院:如何在未来解决这个问题?”但在回答这个问题之前,我们必须回答:要解决的问题是什么?我们需要修正确认过程,是因为它会产生令人不安的结果,还是因为这个过程本身引起了关注?我的文章将讨论这两个问题,表明这既是一个实质性问题,也是一个规范性问题。这些问题中的每一个都可能引出不同的答案。规范问题在于,确认程序本身破坏了法治和司法独立(或至少是其表象)。实质性的问题是法院的裁决是错误的,与广泛持有的公众观点不一致,对民主本身是危险的。我认为,认为我们可以推迟解决实质性问题,而最初只解决规范性问题的想法是错误的。该法院对我们的民主构成直接威胁,因此我们需要立即对这种存在的危险作出反应。
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引用次数: 0
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