{"title":"A measure of value: the story of the D'Arcy Island leper colony. [Review of: Yorath, C. A measure of value: the story of the D'Arcy Island leper colony. Victoria, B.C.: TouchWood, 2000].","authors":"Daniel Marshall, Dorothy Mindenhall","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80622,"journal":{"name":"BC studies","volume":" 134","pages":"87-91"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2002-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26114961","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"\"A baby show means work in the hardest sense\": the better baby contests of the Vancouver and New Westminster Local Councils of Women, 1913-1929.","authors":"G E Thomson","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80622,"journal":{"name":"BC studies","volume":"128 ","pages":"5-36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"26353255","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2000-01-01DOI: 10.14288/BCS.V0I128.1546
G. Thomson
IN THE SPRING OF 1916 Mrs. Charles Stoddard of the Vancouver Local Council of Women wrote to Mr. Rolston, the manager of the Vancouver Exhibition Association, concerning the fourth annual Better Baby Contest to be held in the fall. She was dissatisfied over the arrangements made for the previous year's contest and hoped that the provisions for the 1916 contest "[would] prove favourable to our committee." Mrs. Stoddard wanted prizes provided for the babies that would "be in line" with the prizes already given at the exhibition for "Horses and Cattle." She reminded Mr. Rolston that "A Baby Show means work in the hardest sense." Since its inception in 1913, the Better Baby Contest had been one of the most popular attractions at the Vancouver Exhibition. By 1916 the Daily Province reported that "No feature of the Exhibition aroused so much interest and enthusiasm as this competition." The Vancouver Council of Women sponsored the Better Baby Contest from 1913 until 1919, when it was abruptly moved to New Westminster. The New Westminster Local Council of Women then held the better baby contests at the Provincial Exhibition of the Royal Agricultural and Industrial (RA&I) Society in Queens Park from 1920 to 1929, when the exhibition buildings were destroyed by fire. Until the 1950s beautiful baby contests could still be found at the Pacific National Exhibition in Vancouver's
{"title":"\"A baby show means work in the hardest sense\": the better baby contests of the Vancouver and New Westminster Local Councils of Women, 1913-1929.","authors":"G. Thomson","doi":"10.14288/BCS.V0I128.1546","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14288/BCS.V0I128.1546","url":null,"abstract":"IN THE SPRING OF 1916 Mrs. Charles Stoddard of the Vancouver Local Council of Women wrote to Mr. Rolston, the manager of the Vancouver Exhibition Association, concerning the fourth annual Better Baby Contest to be held in the fall. She was dissatisfied over the arrangements made for the previous year's contest and hoped that the provisions for the 1916 contest \"[would] prove favourable to our committee.\" Mrs. Stoddard wanted prizes provided for the babies that would \"be in line\" with the prizes already given at the exhibition for \"Horses and Cattle.\" She reminded Mr. Rolston that \"A Baby Show means work in the hardest sense.\" Since its inception in 1913, the Better Baby Contest had been one of the most popular attractions at the Vancouver Exhibition. By 1916 the Daily Province reported that \"No feature of the Exhibition aroused so much interest and enthusiasm as this competition.\" The Vancouver Council of Women sponsored the Better Baby Contest from 1913 until 1919, when it was abruptly moved to New Westminster. The New Westminster Local Council of Women then held the better baby contests at the Provincial Exhibition of the Royal Agricultural and Industrial (RA&I) Society in Queens Park from 1920 to 1929, when the exhibition buildings were destroyed by fire. Until the 1950s beautiful baby contests could still be found at the Pacific National Exhibition in Vancouver's","PeriodicalId":80622,"journal":{"name":"BC studies","volume":"128 1","pages":"5-36"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2000-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66901574","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1988-01-01DOI: 10.14288/bcs.v0i80.1296.g1338
D. Lai
The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA) was responsible for the establishment and administration of the Chinese Imperial School (now the Chinese Public School), the Chinese Cemetery and the Chinese Hospital in the city of Victoria. The creation of the school and the cemetery was due to racial segregation, but this was not the case in the establishment of the hospital. On the contrary, the Chinese Hospital was a product of self-segregation. In the old days, the Chinese people preferred using Chinese herbs to taking Western medicine and consulting Chinese herbalists to seeing Western doctors. In a Western hospital, Chinese patients might be prohibited from taking any Oriental medicine other than that prescribed by a qualified doctor. In China, it was and still is customary to bring one's own food to a hospital because certain foods are believed to help a patient recover more quickly. For example, Shengyu broth is commonly fed to a patient after an operation because Shengyu, a species of fresh-water fish, is believed to hasten muscle growth; duck stew with Chinese cordyceps (a herb) strengthens weak kidneys and generally helps restore health; pig's heart stew with black beans and lingusticum (a herb) alleviates heart palpitation; and cow's tendon stew with pepper root mitigates rheumatic pains and aching of limbs. This type of food, prepared at home, might not be allowed by a Western doctor. Furthermore, in the old days, many Chinese people feared entering a Western hospital, partly because they could not communicate with the doctors and nurses in English and partly because they did not like seeing nurses dressed in white uniforms; to them, white and blue were symbols of death. Such features as these led the CCBA to build its own hospital.
{"title":"From self-segregation to integration: the vicissitudes of Victoria's Chinese hospital.","authors":"D. Lai","doi":"10.14288/bcs.v0i80.1296.g1338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14288/bcs.v0i80.1296.g1338","url":null,"abstract":"The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA) was responsible for the establishment and administration of the Chinese Imperial School (now the Chinese Public School), the Chinese Cemetery and the Chinese Hospital in the city of Victoria. The creation of the school and the cemetery was due to racial segregation, but this was not the case in the establishment of the hospital. On the contrary, the Chinese Hospital was a product of self-segregation. In the old days, the Chinese people preferred using Chinese herbs to taking Western medicine and consulting Chinese herbalists to seeing Western doctors. In a Western hospital, Chinese patients might be prohibited from taking any Oriental medicine other than that prescribed by a qualified doctor. In China, it was and still is customary to bring one's own food to a hospital because certain foods are believed to help a patient recover more quickly. For example, Shengyu broth is commonly fed to a patient after an operation because Shengyu, a species of fresh-water fish, is believed to hasten muscle growth; duck stew with Chinese cordyceps (a herb) strengthens weak kidneys and generally helps restore health; pig's heart stew with black beans and lingusticum (a herb) alleviates heart palpitation; and cow's tendon stew with pepper root mitigates rheumatic pains and aching of limbs. This type of food, prepared at home, might not be allowed by a Western doctor. Furthermore, in the old days, many Chinese people feared entering a Western hospital, partly because they could not communicate with the doctors and nurses in English and partly because they did not like seeing nurses dressed in white uniforms; to them, white and blue were symbols of death. Such features as these led the CCBA to build its own hospital.","PeriodicalId":80622,"journal":{"name":"BC studies","volume":"80 1","pages":"52-68"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1988-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66902394","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hospital insurance is so taken for granted in Canada that little or no notice was taken of its fortieth anniversary in 1987. British Columbians should be particularly interested because hospital insurance was a field in which this province was a pioneer. When the British Columbia Hospital Insurance Service (BCHIS) was established in 1949, ^ w a s o n ty ^ i e second such scheme in Canada. The Saskatchewan precedent, however, was not very useful because British Columbia had a more varied economy and a more transient population but lacked a well-developed municipal system. In addition, the lack of hospital beds, rising costs, rumours of widespread evasion of premium payments, delays in processing paper work, and an unpopular co-insurance scheme made the BCHIS an easy target for the press, for the opposition, and for dissatisfied members of the Coalition government. As Malcolm Taylor has observed in his study of the Canadian Health Insurance system, the BCHIS under a new minister and commissioner began to improve its situation in 1950. The public, however, remembered the startup problems and made plans to express its discontent at the next provincial election. Indeed, some historians have suggested that hospital insurance was "the most bitterly emotional and controversial issue in the 1952 election campaign." Such observations, as this memoir implies, probably underestimate the complexities of the British Columbia political scene. Although the writing of political memoirs sometimes seems to be a minor national industry, few British Columbia politicians have written reflectively on their experiences. One exception is A. Douglas Turnbull, who assumed responsibility for the problems of the BCHIS on his appointment as Minister of Health and Welfare in May 1950. His recollections offer a valuable insight into the effort to overcome the problem of administering a pioneering programme of social legislation and into the fractiousness of caucus and
{"title":"Memoir: early years of Hospital insurance in British Columbia.","authors":"A. Turnbull","doi":"10.14288/BCS.V0I76.1277","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14288/BCS.V0I76.1277","url":null,"abstract":"Hospital insurance is so taken for granted in Canada that little or no notice was taken of its fortieth anniversary in 1987. British Columbians should be particularly interested because hospital insurance was a field in which this province was a pioneer. When the British Columbia Hospital Insurance Service (BCHIS) was established in 1949, ^ w a s o n ty ^ i e second such scheme in Canada. The Saskatchewan precedent, however, was not very useful because British Columbia had a more varied economy and a more transient population but lacked a well-developed municipal system. In addition, the lack of hospital beds, rising costs, rumours of widespread evasion of premium payments, delays in processing paper work, and an unpopular co-insurance scheme made the BCHIS an easy target for the press, for the opposition, and for dissatisfied members of the Coalition government. As Malcolm Taylor has observed in his study of the Canadian Health Insurance system, the BCHIS under a new minister and commissioner began to improve its situation in 1950. The public, however, remembered the startup problems and made plans to express its discontent at the next provincial election. Indeed, some historians have suggested that hospital insurance was \"the most bitterly emotional and controversial issue in the 1952 election campaign.\" Such observations, as this memoir implies, probably underestimate the complexities of the British Columbia political scene. Although the writing of political memoirs sometimes seems to be a minor national industry, few British Columbia politicians have written reflectively on their experiences. One exception is A. Douglas Turnbull, who assumed responsibility for the problems of the BCHIS on his appointment as Minister of Health and Welfare in May 1950. His recollections offer a valuable insight into the effort to overcome the problem of administering a pioneering programme of social legislation and into the fractiousness of caucus and","PeriodicalId":80622,"journal":{"name":"BC studies","volume":"76 1","pages":"58-81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1987-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66902325","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1986-01-01DOI: 10.14288/BCS.V0I69/70.1231
V. Strong-Boag, K. Mcpherson
Only relatively recently have large numbers of women been confined to institutions for the delivery of their children. The institutionalization of childbirth has radically transformed a major human experience, and the impact of this transformation has been a subject of debate among mothers, childbirth reformers, medical professionals and social scientists. For its defenders, the hospital has served as an important vehicle for wider distribution of obstetrical supervision and treatment with a concomitant reduction of maternal morbidity and mortality. Critics have responded that delivering these services within the confines of a hierarchical, bureaucratized institution has contributed to the medicalization of childbirth, depriving women of control over their bodies and creating new psychological and physiological disorders. As this contemporary debate rages, historians have begun to examine the historical process whereby doctors appropriated, and to some degree women relinquished, control over childbirth. This study contributes to
{"title":"The confinement of women: childbirth and hospitalization in Vancouver.","authors":"V. Strong-Boag, K. Mcpherson","doi":"10.14288/BCS.V0I69/70.1231","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14288/BCS.V0I69/70.1231","url":null,"abstract":"Only relatively recently have large numbers of women been confined to institutions for the delivery of their children. The institutionalization of childbirth has radically transformed a major human experience, and the impact of this transformation has been a subject of debate among mothers, childbirth reformers, medical professionals and social scientists. For its defenders, the hospital has served as an important vehicle for wider distribution of obstetrical supervision and treatment with a concomitant reduction of maternal morbidity and mortality. Critics have responded that delivering these services within the confines of a hierarchical, bureaucratized institution has contributed to the medicalization of childbirth, depriving women of control over their bodies and creating new psychological and physiological disorders. As this contemporary debate rages, historians have begun to examine the historical process whereby doctors appropriated, and to some degree women relinquished, control over childbirth. This study contributes to","PeriodicalId":80622,"journal":{"name":"BC studies","volume":"69-70 1","pages":"142-74"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1986-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66902159","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 1985-01-01DOI: 10.14288/BCS.V0I64.1195.G1239
A. Mclaren, A. McLaren
One of the most striking improvements in the health of Canadian women was brought about by the lowering of the risk of maternal mortality. Between the 1930s and 1960s the chances of dying in pregnancy fell from about 1 in 150 to 1 in 3,000. Maternal deaths, which in the early 1930s had accounted for 10 to 15 percent of all deaths among women in the child-bearing years, fell in three decades to 2 to 3 percent. This dramatic breakthrough was so welcomed that few have asked why it occurred so late. In the early nineteenth century about one-quarter of the deaths of women aged between 15 and 50 were related to pregnancy and its complications. With the onrush of medical improvements associated with Joseph Lister's discovery of antisepsis in 1867 there was the real possibility of eliminating many of the traditional causes of maternal death. Conditions did improve somewhat, but if one were to judge by the statistical data the gains made in the first decades of the twentieth century were still disappointingly modest. Whereas the infant mortality rate fell from 120 deaths per 1,000 live births at the beginning of the century to 68 per 1,000 by 1936, the maternal mortality rate continued to hover at about 5 per 1,000 and actually rose to a century high of 5.8 per 1 ,000 in 1 9 3 0 . 3
{"title":"Discoveries and dissimulations: the impact of abortion deaths on maternal mortality in British Columbia.","authors":"A. Mclaren, A. McLaren","doi":"10.14288/BCS.V0I64.1195.G1239","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14288/BCS.V0I64.1195.G1239","url":null,"abstract":"One of the most striking improvements in the health of Canadian women was brought about by the lowering of the risk of maternal mortality. Between the 1930s and 1960s the chances of dying in pregnancy fell from about 1 in 150 to 1 in 3,000. Maternal deaths, which in the early 1930s had accounted for 10 to 15 percent of all deaths among women in the child-bearing years, fell in three decades to 2 to 3 percent. This dramatic breakthrough was so welcomed that few have asked why it occurred so late. In the early nineteenth century about one-quarter of the deaths of women aged between 15 and 50 were related to pregnancy and its complications. With the onrush of medical improvements associated with Joseph Lister's discovery of antisepsis in 1867 there was the real possibility of eliminating many of the traditional causes of maternal death. Conditions did improve somewhat, but if one were to judge by the statistical data the gains made in the first decades of the twentieth century were still disappointingly modest. Whereas the infant mortality rate fell from 120 deaths per 1,000 live births at the beginning of the century to 68 per 1,000 by 1936, the maternal mortality rate continued to hover at about 5 per 1,000 and actually rose to a century high of 5.8 per 1 ,000 in 1 9 3 0 . 3","PeriodicalId":80622,"journal":{"name":"BC studies","volume":"64 1","pages":"3-26"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1985-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66901941","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The early birth controllers of B.C.","authors":"M. Bishop","doi":"10.14288/BCS.V0I61.1177","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.14288/BCS.V0I61.1177","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":80622,"journal":{"name":"BC studies","volume":"61 1","pages":"64-84"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1984-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66902280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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