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Menjamin Kebebasan Individu Pasca Pandemi: Trust Government Framework untuk Membangun Kepercayaan Publik 确保大流行后的个人自由:建立公共信任的信托政府框架
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21776/ub.bjss.2022.002.01.4
Aulia Izzah Azmi, P. Satria
After the COVID-19 pandemic, the government experienced a new challenge, namely restoring public trust in the government due to the reduction of individual freedom of the community based on emergency crisis conditions. This study focuses on explaining (1) the dynamics of public trust in the government in the post-pandemic phase (2) the tendency of the government to take strategic steps on a top-down basis so that it threatens individual freedoms affected by applicable policies and regulations (3) frameworks that can be applied to build public trust so that collaboration between sectors in dealing with the after effects of the pandemi can be achieved. The research method used in this article is a Systematic Literature Review by collecting primary data sourced from accredited journal articles and media news sources. The results of this study reveal that civil liberty in an emergency is limited and this has an impact on the crisis of Indonesian people's confidence in the government and has logical consequences for public stability in responding to policies. At the end of the discussion, the researcher offers a framework to build public trust after the COVID-19 pandemic that is oriented towards citizen engagement.
在新冠疫情之后,政府面临着新的挑战,即基于紧急危机情况,减少社区的个人自由,从而恢复公众对政府的信任。本研究的重点是解释(1)大流行后阶段公众对政府的信任动态(2)政府采取自上而下的战略步骤的倾向,从而威胁到受适用政策和法规影响的个人自由(3)可用于建立公众信任的框架,以便实现部门之间的合作,以应对大流行的后续影响。本文使用的研究方法是系统文献综述,通过收集来自认可的期刊文章和媒体新闻来源的原始数据。这项研究的结果表明,紧急情况下的公民自由是有限的,这对印度尼西亚人民对政府的信心危机产生了影响,并对应对政策的公共稳定产生了合乎逻辑的后果。在讨论的最后,研究人员提出了以公民参与为导向的新冠肺炎大流行后建立公众信任的框架。
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引用次数: 0
Korban Dan/Atau Pelaku: Atribusi Victim Blaming pada Korban Kekerasan Seksual Berbasis Gender di Lingkungan Kampus 受害者和/或肇事者:校园内基于性别的性暴力受害者受害者受害者受害者
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21776/ub.bjss.2022.002.01.1
S. Wahyuni, Siti Nurbayani, Ilma Kesumaningsih, Dinar Hargono
Sexual harassment frequently occurs in educational institutions such as colleges. The issue is exposed on the internet or reported directly by the authorized party. However, these reports lead society tendentiously to blame the victim. The victim-blaming phenomenon in sexual harassment cases particularly, when the victim object is female college students effecting them feeling frustrated, and scared, and even their rights as the victim cannot be obtained at all. This form of attribution of victims of violence often spurs the emergence of a victim mentality for victims of the stigma attached to dualism, as victims as well as contributing to the occurrence of violent events that befell them (the perpetrator). These things cause the victims to prefer remaining silent, than to reveal the case that has been going through due to worrying to be blamed. This research aims to figure out how the victim-blaming phenomenon happens to the victim of sexual harassment based on gender in educational institutions to provide policy recommendations to protect the victim and also for the student organization or the college. The method of this research is qualitative descriptive by utilizing triangulation data sources as data validation for the research approach. Data is obtained by documentation, field study, and depth interview with the victim of sexual harassment and policy experts from the college by using purposive sampling. Data analysis is performed together with the collecting data process by using qualitative techniques consisting of data reduction, display data, and conclusion. The result of this study shows that the student organization and college can role to form some preventive efforts on the victim-blaming phenomenon which can be implemented through a program or activity that is carried out online or offline.
在大学等教育机构中,性骚扰事件时有发生。问题在网上曝光或被授权方直接举报。然而,这些报道导致社会倾向于指责受害者。尤其是性骚扰案件中的受害者指责现象,当受害者对象是女大学生时,她们会感到沮丧、恐惧,甚至无法获得作为受害者的权利。这种形式的暴力受害者归因往往刺激受害者心态的出现,因为二元论所附带的耻辱的受害者,以及促进发生在他们身上的暴力事件(肇事者)。这些事情导致受害者宁愿保持沉默,也不愿透露已经经历过的案件,因为担心受到指责。本研究旨在了解教育机构中基于性别的性骚扰受害者是如何发生受害者指责现象的,为保护受害者提供政策建议,也为学生组织或学校提供政策建议。本研究的方法是定性描述,利用三角测量数据源作为研究方法的数据验证。数据采用文献资料法、实地调查法、有目的抽样法、深度访谈性骚扰受害者及学院政策专家等方法获取。数据分析与收集数据过程一起进行,采用定性技术,包括数据还原、显示数据和结论。本研究的结果表明,学生组织和学校可以发挥作用,形成对受害者指责现象的一些预防努力,这些努力可以通过在线或线下开展的计划或活动来实施。
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引用次数: 1
Gerakan Sosial Akar Tuli Dalam Mengadvokasi Hak Tuli di Kota Malang 在马朗市建立聋哑基础的社会运动
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21776/ub.bjss.2022.002.01.6
Wama Yahya, Ucca Arawindha
The Malang City in Indonesia, declares itself to be inclusive city, but it turns out that there are still many people with disabilities’ – deafness – rights seem not been fulfilled, one of which become the focus of this research. For deaf people, one of their efforts to seek the fulfillment of their rights is to form a collectivity. For that reason, the Akar Tuli was built, with the motive to bring Deaf youth into a forum which allows them to voice their rights. This study aims to determine, analyze and describe how social action of Akar Tuli as a social movement through advocation for the rights of deaf people in Malang City. This research uses the New Social Movement Theory, namely ‘The Identity-Oriented Theory’ that seek the explanation of how this community carries out social movements to achieve their goals by their identity. As a community, there would be a very strong reason for Akar Tuli to keeps them going to carry out various kinds of movements. That is, the fulfillment of the rights of deaf people to the sign language they use to communicate and also as their identity. Sign language is the strengthen for Akar Tuli to socialization and education about the disability rights by collaborate with government or non-government organization in Malang. Furthermore, accessibility is also a keypoint for them. The conclusion is Akar Tuli take social action as social movement that aims to encourage disability awareness in Malang City. Hopefully, the Deaf people have the same rights as a citizen, even though their communicate in different ways.
印尼玛琅市自诩为包容性城市,但事实证明,仍有许多残障人士的失聪权利似乎没有得到实现,其中之一成为本研究的重点。对于聋人来说,他们寻求实现其权利的努力之一是形成一个集体。出于这个原因,阿卡尔图利的建立,其动机是将聋哑青年带入一个论坛,让他们能够表达自己的权利。本研究旨在确定、分析和描述阿卡图里作为一项社会运动,如何通过倡导玛琅市聋人的权利来进行社会行动。本研究使用新社会运动理论,即“身份导向理论”,寻求解释这个群体如何通过他们的身份进行社会运动以实现他们的目标。作为一个社区,阿卡尔·图里有一个非常强大的理由让他们继续进行各种各样的运动。也就是说,实现聋人对他们用来交流的手语的权利,以及作为他们身份的权利。手语是阿卡图里通过与玛琅政府或非政府组织合作进行残疾人权利社会化和教育的加强。此外,可访问性也是他们的一个关键点。结论是Akar Tuli采取社会行动作为社会运动,旨在鼓励玛琅市的残疾意识。希望聋哑人有和公民一样的权利,即使他们用不同的方式交流。
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引用次数: 0
Pekerja Rumah Tangga dan Organisasi Masyarakat Sipil: Persoalan Tentang Ruang Kebebasan Sipil di Indonesia 公民社会工作者和组织:关于公民自由空间的问题
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21776/ub.bjss.2022.002.01.5
Violetta Lovenika Nur Anwar, Bella Anggie Minata, Andhika Theo Pratama, Genta Mahardhika Rozalinna
Domestic workers or often known as household assistants or domestic helpers are no stranger to their existence in the lives of Indonesian people, both in rural and urban areas. Domestic worker or abbreviated as PRT is a job where the worker offers services to the employer to do various household chores, such as washing, cooking, cleaning the house, caring for children, and other household chores. The existence of domestic workers as informal workers or domestic workers in the household has not been accompanied by clear and concrete legal rules to recognize and protect domestic workers in their work, so that domestic workers often become subjects that are ignored and underestimated, from a status that is marginal and does not exist, not even rare. Receiving treatment that is detrimental to domestic workers, such as violations of rights, sexual harassment, to torture or violence perpetrated by employers against domestic workers. Against the backdrop of cases of violations of domestic workers' rights, domestic workers have begun to have the courage to strive for their rights to be protected by the state. Efforts to seek decent work for domestic workers have been contained in the Domestic Workers Bill and the existence of ILO Convention No.189. However, until now the Indonesian state government has not ratified the Domestic Workers Bill to become the Domestic Workers Law. Therefore it requires the participation of all elements of the state including the government and civil society. Through Civil Society Organizations (CSOs), it is hoped that they can become a bridge for people's aspirations and voices to push for the ratification of the PPRT Bill. Apart from that, as a democratic country, CSOs are also needed to claim the title of a democratic country for Indonesia so that civic freedoms can be upheld for the sake of achieving people's welfare. Especially for marginalized people like domestic workers.
家庭佣工或通常被称为家庭助理或家庭佣工在印度尼西亚人民的生活中并不陌生,无论是在农村还是城市地区。家政工人(缩写为PRT)是一种为雇主提供服务的工作,从事各种家务劳动,如洗衣、做饭、打扫房间、照顾孩子和其他家务劳动。家庭佣工作为非正式工人或家庭佣工的存在,一直没有伴随着明确具体的法律规则来承认和保护家庭佣工的工作,从而使家庭佣工往往成为被忽视和低估的主体,从一种边缘的、不存在的、甚至不罕见的地位。受到对家庭佣工不利的待遇,如侵犯权利、性骚扰、雇主对家庭佣工实施酷刑或暴力。在家庭佣工权利被侵犯案件的背景下,家庭佣工开始有勇气为自己的权利争取国家的保护。《家庭工人法案》和劳工组织《第189号公约》都载有为家庭工人寻求体面工作的努力。然而,直到现在,印尼州政府还没有批准家政工人法案成为家政工人法。因此,它需要包括政府和公民社会在内的国家所有要素的参与。透过民间社会组织,我们希望他们能成为人民表达愿望和声音的桥梁,推动PPRT法案获得批准。除此之外,作为一个民主国家,公民社会组织也需要为印尼争取民主国家的称号,以维护公民自由,实现人民的福利。尤其是像家政工人这样的边缘人群。
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引用次数: 0
Perilaku Tidak Memilih Anggota Persatuan Istri Tentara (Persit) Pada Pilkada Kabupaten Malang Tahun 2020 行为不选择马朗皮尔卡达郡的武士妻子联盟成员
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21776/ub.bjss.2022.002.01.2
Nofia Mutmainah, Wawan Sobari
Non-voting behavior in Indonesia has increased, including in the regional head elections in Malang Regency in 2020. At one of the polling stations (TPS) the number of non-voting voters reached 82% of the total final voter list. It is known that the voters registered at the TPS are the wives of TNI soldiers or Persit (Army Wives Association). Persit members still have the right to vote like other civilians, in contrast to the TNI who are not allowed to vote. This study aims to find out what is the cause of non-voting behavior among Persit members and whether the husband's position as TNI influences it. This research is a type of qualitative research using the case study method from Robert K Yin. Based on the concept of non-selective behavior put forward by Rusk and Regsadale (1993), there are four approaches to non-selective behavior namely: the demographic approach, the psychological approach, the structural approach and the rational approach. In this case, psychological factors were identified as dominant driving factors for non-choosing behavior. There is no interest in the political affairs of the government, because living in a dormitory there is an assumption that regional government issues do not provide significant benefits. So that there is no initiative to find out information about the elections that will take place, then there is ignorance about the candidates which leads to the decision not to vote. In addition, the status of the husband's capacity as a TNI is also another reason for the behavior of not choosing persit members. So there is a need for real efforts from the government, especially the general election commission to increase awareness of the importance of participation in elections, including through outreach and cooperation.
印度尼西亚的不投票行为有所增加,包括2020年玛琅县的地区领导人选举。在一个投票站(TPS),未投票的选民人数达到最终选民名单总数的82%。据悉,在TPS登记的选民是TNI士兵或Persit(军人妻子协会)的妻子。佩尔西特成员仍然有权像其他平民一样投票,而TNI成员则不被允许投票。本研究旨在找出柏西特成员中不投票行为的原因,以及丈夫作为TNI的地位是否会影响它。本研究是一种定性研究,采用了Robert K Yin的案例研究方法。根据Rusk和Regsadale(1993)提出的非选择行为的概念,研究非选择行为的方法有四种,即人口统计学方法、心理学方法、结构方法和理性方法。在这种情况下,心理因素被确定为非选择行为的主要驱动因素。对政府的政治事务没有兴趣,因为住在宿舍里,人们认为地方政府事务不会带来显著的好处。因此,没有主动去了解即将举行的选举的信息,那么对候选人的无知就会导致不投票的决定。此外,丈夫作为TNI的身份也是不选择访问成员行为的另一个原因。因此,缅甸政府,特别是大选委员会需要做出切实的努力,提高人们对参与选举重要性的认识,包括通过外联和合作。
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引用次数: 0
Analisis Pendekatan A.C.T.O.R.S dalam Pemberdayaan Masyarakat Lansia di Kampung Wonosari 3G (Glintung Go Green) Kota Malang 3G沃诺萨里村(格林东走向绿色)贫困城市蓝田社会赋权的A.C.T.O.R.S.方法分析
Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.21776/ub.bjss.2022.002.01.3
Angelus Vecky Kopong, S. Kholifah, Sanggar Kanto
The purpose of this study is to offer a comprehensive understanding of empowerment strategies through the A.C.T.O.R.S theory approach by Sarah Cook and Steve Macaulay for the elderly in Kampung Wonosari 3G (Glintung Go Green), Purwantoro Village, Malang City. Areas that are known as slum areas and prone to flooding have a significant impact on health quality inequality and low quality of life expectancy, especially for those who come from the elderly, so a change movement is needed through urban farming to improve the environment. The method used in this research is to use a descriptive qualitative approach, where in collecting data the researcher used in-depth interviews with 10 informants from the people of Kampung Wonosari 3G, Purwantoro Village, Malang City. The findings confirm that the Authority strategy is carried out by giving authority to the elderly to make changes according to their capacity and abilities. Furthermore, the confidence and competence strategy is carried out by creating and fostering self-confidence in the elderly to see their potential. The Responsibility strategy is intended to provide a sense of responsibility to the elderly so that they can maintain and commit to the sustainability of environmental change. The last strategy supports, namely support from various parties (from internal and external communities) so that the process of change and empowerment for the elderly continues. The resulting output also shows an increase in self-respect (self-recognition), self-confidence (self-confidence), and self-reliance (independence) in the elderly community of Kampung Wonosari 3G Malang City.activity that is carried out online or offline.
本研究旨在透过Sarah Cook和Steve Macaulay的A.C.T.O.R.S理论,对玛琅市Purwantoro村Kampung Wonosari 3G (Glintung Go Green)的老年人,提供对赋权策略的全面了解。被称为贫民窟地区和易受洪水影响的地区对健康质量不平等和预期寿命质量低产生了重大影响,特别是对那些来自老年人的人来说,因此需要通过城市农业进行变革运动,以改善环境。本研究中使用的方法是使用描述性定性方法,在收集数据时,研究人员对来自玛琅市Purwantoro村Kampung Wonosari 3G的10名线人进行了深入访谈。调查结果证实,当局的策略是授权长者根据自己的能力和能力作出改变。此外,信心和能力战略是通过建立和培养老年人的自信来实现的,以看到他们的潜力。“责任”战略旨在为老年人提供一种责任感,使他们能够维持和致力于环境变化的可持续性。最后一项策略是支持,即来自各方(来自内部和外部社区)的支持,以使老年人的变革和赋权过程继续下去。由此产生的产出也显示了Kampung Wonosari 3G玛琅市老年人社区的自尊(自我认可)、自信(自信)和自立(独立)的增加。在线或离线进行的活动。
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引用次数: 2
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Civil liberties
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