Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03017605.2023.2199588
Karim Pourhamzavi, N. Bassil, Gabriel Bayarri
Following the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, the resurgence of the far right, evident from the late 1990s across Europe, the United States and Australia, appeared to escalate. At this time, it became popular to associate the ‘rise’ of the Right with some form of ‘alienation’ of the white working class. The grievances and anger of this group, it has been said, results from the dislocation of the white working class caused by deindustrialisation and other dynamics of globalisation which have destabilised established social relations and further eroded the position of the white working class.
{"title":"Right-wing movements in the crisis of capitalism: a conceptualisation of fascism within Marxist theory","authors":"Karim Pourhamzavi, N. Bassil, Gabriel Bayarri","doi":"10.1080/03017605.2023.2199588","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2023.2199588","url":null,"abstract":"Following the 2008 Global Financial Crisis, the resurgence of the far right, evident from the late 1990s across Europe, the United States and Australia, appeared to escalate. At this time, it became popular to associate the ‘rise’ of the Right with some form of ‘alienation’ of the white working class. The grievances and anger of this group, it has been said, results from the dislocation of the white working class caused by deindustrialisation and other dynamics of globalisation which have destabilised established social relations and further eroded the position of the white working class.","PeriodicalId":81032,"journal":{"name":"Critique (Clandeboye, Man.)","volume":"14 1","pages":"619 - 635"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86604547","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03017605.2023.2199586
Patrick Galba de Paula
The purpose of this article is to present an interpretation of the Marxist theory of labour-value that differs from the traditional physiological interpretation of value as labour embodied in the commodities during their production, but also differs from another interpretation that can be traced back to Rubin's work (or to a certain reading of his work), which sees the quantitative determination of value through the market (circulation), or through the emergence of market-oriented production. In the alternative interpretation presented hereby it is living labour, i.e. the socially necessary labour for the reproduction of a commodity at the time of its exchange which quantitatively determines value, while abstract labour is the result of the reduction of the labour process to a moment of capital accumulation, thus the labour characteristic of the capitalist era. After presenting this interpretation, a critical assessment of the previous two schools is made and its limitations are explored.
{"title":"Labour-value: living labour as an alternative to physiological and value-form interpretations of Marx’s theory","authors":"Patrick Galba de Paula","doi":"10.1080/03017605.2023.2199586","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2023.2199586","url":null,"abstract":"The purpose of this article is to present an interpretation of the Marxist theory of labour-value that differs from the traditional physiological interpretation of value as labour embodied in the commodities during their production, but also differs from another interpretation that can be traced back to Rubin's work (or to a certain reading of his work), which sees the quantitative determination of value through the market (circulation), or through the emergence of market-oriented production. In the alternative interpretation presented hereby it is living labour, i.e. the socially necessary labour for the reproduction of a commodity at the time of its exchange which quantitatively determines value, while abstract labour is the result of the reduction of the labour process to a moment of capital accumulation, thus the labour characteristic of the capitalist era. After presenting this interpretation, a critical assessment of the previous two schools is made and its limitations are explored.","PeriodicalId":81032,"journal":{"name":"Critique (Clandeboye, Man.)","volume":"164 1","pages":"557 - 579"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"86679706","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03017605.2023.2199592
Michael Pröbsting
The theory of sub-imperialism, which originated in the 1960s, has gained more attraction in the past one, two decades. Various supporters of this theory refer to Türkiye (‘Turkey’) as a model for such a sub-imperialist power. We think that both the theory in itself as well as such a characterisation of this Mediterranean country are mistaken. In our view, a more appropriate characterisation for Türkiye would be to call it an advanced capitalist semi-colony. In the following, we will discuss these issues in more detail.
{"title":"Türkiye: sub-imperialist power or semi-colony?","authors":"Michael Pröbsting","doi":"10.1080/03017605.2023.2199592","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2023.2199592","url":null,"abstract":"The theory of sub-imperialism, which originated in the 1960s, has gained more attraction in the past one, two decades. Various supporters of this theory refer to Türkiye (‘Turkey’) as a model for such a sub-imperialist power. We think that both the theory in itself as well as such a characterisation of this Mediterranean country are mistaken. In our view, a more appropriate characterisation for Türkiye would be to call it an advanced capitalist semi-colony. In the following, we will discuss these issues in more detail.","PeriodicalId":81032,"journal":{"name":"Critique (Clandeboye, Man.)","volume":"51 1","pages":"637 - 663"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"82130825","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03017605.2023.2199585
S. Sarkar, Sharanya Bhattacharya
The paper presents an alternative theoretical framework to deliver a historical account of the formation of public distribution system (PDS) in India as a wartime food rationing system under colonial rule. It is argued that the origins of food rationing in India can be traced to the historical coagulation of class and non-class effects/struggles arising from colonial-era agrarian class structure, including differential British policy toward the English and Indian poor populations respectively, its response to the agrarian and food crises and the social movements to recognize food security as social need. It follows that the public policy of PDS is not a mere benevolent gesture but the result of contestation and conflict over class and need spaces that make the relation of the state to PDS contingent. Our analysis shows that class matters in explaining PDS. Class struggles and needs struggles spanning the triad of production, distribution and redistribution shape the history and constitution of PDS.
{"title":"Understanding food rationing in colonial India: a prelude to the formation of public distribution system","authors":"S. Sarkar, Sharanya Bhattacharya","doi":"10.1080/03017605.2023.2199585","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2023.2199585","url":null,"abstract":"The paper presents an alternative theoretical framework to deliver a historical account of the formation of public distribution system (PDS) in India as a wartime food rationing system under colonial rule. It is argued that the origins of food rationing in India can be traced to the historical coagulation of class and non-class effects/struggles arising from colonial-era agrarian class structure, including differential British policy toward the English and Indian poor populations respectively, its response to the agrarian and food crises and the social movements to recognize food security as social need. It follows that the public policy of PDS is not a mere benevolent gesture but the result of contestation and conflict over class and need spaces that make the relation of the state to PDS contingent. Our analysis shows that class matters in explaining PDS. Class struggles and needs struggles spanning the triad of production, distribution and redistribution shape the history and constitution of PDS.","PeriodicalId":81032,"journal":{"name":"Critique (Clandeboye, Man.)","volume":"249 1","pages":"685 - 702"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"76802380","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03017605.2023.2199590
Suddhabrata Deb Roy
India has been witnessing a continuous wave of popular people’s movements against the policies brought forward by the ruling right-wing central government led by the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) during its second term in power which began in 2019. Starting with the Citizenship Amendment Act and the protests against its implementation since late 2019 (S. Deb Roy, ‘Locating Gramsci in Delhi’s Shaheen Bagh: Perspectives on the Iconic Women’s Protest in India’, Capital & Class, 45:2 (2020), pp. 183–189), the right-wing government faced strong criticism of its poor management of the crisis faced by the migrant workers during the first wave of the Covid-19 Pandemic in India. The recent addition to the wave of people’s movements is the Kisan Andolan (Farmers’ Movement) against the ruling BJP government since September 2020 (See https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/new-farm-bill-2020-who-is-protesting-why/articleshow/78179693.cms [Accessed 30 March 2023]). The largest democracy in the world has been gripped by a massive wave of protests by the agrarian populace at the borders of Delhi, the capital of India. The popular movement against the ruling Central Government led by the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) is rooted in the recently passed farm laws, namely the ‘Farmers’ Produce Trade and Commerce (Promotion and Facilitation) Act, 2020’ (See http://egazette.nic.in/WriteReadData/2020/222039.pdf [Accessed 30 March 2023]); the ‘Farmers (Empowerment and Protection) Agreement on Price Assurance and Farm Services Act, 2020’ (See https://www.prsindia.org/billtrack/farmers-empowerment-and-protection-agreement-price-assurance-and-farm-services-bill-2020 [Accessed 30 March 2023]); and the ‘Essential Commodities (Amendment) Act, 2020’ (See https://www.prsindia.org/billtrack/essential-commodities-amendment-bill-2020#:~:text=The%20Essential%20Commodities%20(Amendment)%20Ordinance%2C%202020%20allows%20the%20central,is%20a%20steep%20price%20rise [Accessed 30 March 2023]). These laws which have been enacted to bring forward further corporate and capitalist control over the agricultural production of the country have not been received well by the people at the heart of the agricultural production of the country—the farmers.
印度目睹了一波持续不断的民众运动，反对由印度人民党(BJP)领导的右翼执政中央政府在2019年开始的第二任期内提出的政策。从《公民身份修正案》和自2019年底以来反对其实施的抗议活动开始(S. Deb Roy，“将葛兰西定位在德里的沙欣巴格:对印度标志性女性抗议的看法”，《资本与阶级》，45:2(2020)，第183-189页)，右翼政府因在印度第一波Covid-19大流行期间对农民工面临的危机管理不善而受到强烈批评。最近加入人民运动浪潮的是自2020年9月以来反对执政的人民党政府的Kisan Andolan(农民运动)(见https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/new-farm-bill-2020-who-is-protesting-why/articleshow/78179693.cms[访问日期:2023年3月30日])。这个世界上最大的民主国家被印度首都德里边境地区农民发起的大规模抗议浪潮所笼罩。由印度人民党(BJP)领导的反对执政中央政府的民众运动源于最近通过的农业法，即“2020年农民农产品贸易和商业(促进和便利)法”(见http://egazette.nic.in/WriteReadData/2020/222039.pdf[访问日期:2023年3月30日]);《2020年关于价格保证和农业服务法的农民(赋权和保护)协议》(见https://www.prsindia.org/billtrack/farmers-empowerment-and-protection-agreement-price-assurance-and-farm-services-bill-2020[访问日期:2023年3月30日]);以及《2020年基本商品(修订)法》(见https://www.prsindia.org/billtrack/essential-commodities-amendment-bill-2020#:~:text=The%20Essential%20Commodities%20(Amendment)%20Ordinance%2C%202020%20allows%20the%20central,is%20a%20steep%20price%20rise[访问日期:2023年3月30日])。这些法律是为了进一步加强企业和资本主义对我国农业生产的控制而制定的，但处于我国农业生产中心的人民——农民——并不欢迎这些法律。
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03017605.2023.2199584
C. Byron
This essay argues that the predominant view of ‘Marxism’ was largely shaped by Engels and the Second International. The predominant view of Marxism includes a metaphysical theory (Dialectical Materialism) and a Scientific Theory (Historical Materialism). Marx never used either phrase. Moreover, a close reading of his mature works and letters reveals that he explicitly rejected the content of those theories. Hence, in the shaping of ‘Marxism’, a series of confusions and inaccuracies about history and economic development were attributed to Marx. One source of miscommunication was Engels, who seems to have misunderstood Marx’s theories in Capital. Moreover, Engels’ writings provide the origin point for ‘Dialectical’ and ‘Historical Materialism’. These attributions to Marx were taken up by Lenin and Trotsky in the Second International. Unlike Engels, Lenin and the Second International had access to few of Marx’s writings, so they had to rely on Engels’ proclamations on Marx’s work for their understanding of ‘Marxism’. Subsequently, ‘Marxism’ has been perverted, as it relates to Marx’s actual method of analysis and presentation, in his critical engagement with capitalism. In this essay the author charts the miscommunication of Marx’s theories, and then provides the reader with Marx’s actual critical method for analyzing Capitalism.
{"title":"Engelsianism, Second Internationalism, and the Loss of Marx’s Critical Method","authors":"C. Byron","doi":"10.1080/03017605.2023.2199584","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/03017605.2023.2199584","url":null,"abstract":"This essay argues that the predominant view of ‘Marxism’ was largely shaped by Engels and the Second International. The predominant view of Marxism includes a metaphysical theory (Dialectical Materialism) and a Scientific Theory (Historical Materialism). Marx never used either phrase. Moreover, a close reading of his mature works and letters reveals that he explicitly rejected the content of those theories. Hence, in the shaping of ‘Marxism’, a series of confusions and inaccuracies about history and economic development were attributed to Marx. One source of miscommunication was Engels, who seems to have misunderstood Marx’s theories in Capital. Moreover, Engels’ writings provide the origin point for ‘Dialectical’ and ‘Historical Materialism’. These attributions to Marx were taken up by Lenin and Trotsky in the Second International. Unlike Engels, Lenin and the Second International had access to few of Marx’s writings, so they had to rely on Engels’ proclamations on Marx’s work for their understanding of ‘Marxism’. Subsequently, ‘Marxism’ has been perverted, as it relates to Marx’s actual method of analysis and presentation, in his critical engagement with capitalism. In this essay the author charts the miscommunication of Marx’s theories, and then provides the reader with Marx’s actual critical method for analyzing Capitalism.","PeriodicalId":81032,"journal":{"name":"Critique (Clandeboye, Man.)","volume":"44 6 1","pages":"535 - 556"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"90112339","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03017605.2023.2199587
P. Kennedy
Few people will be unaware of the global cost-of-living crisis. This paper situates the crisis in the much larger crisis of capital and, specifically, the present form of accumulation, premised at one end by parasitic capital and at the other by the impoverishment of labour. It does so by examining the immediate and underlying causes of capital’s cost-of-living crisis. It is argued that both immediate and underlying causes link the cost-of-living crisis to its basis in relations of capitalist parasitism and worker impoverishment that characterise present-day capitalism.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03017605.2023.2199583
Piotr Juskowiak
In this article, I ask how Henri Lefebvre’s oeuvre can contribute to the foundations for a metromarxist theory of urban commoning. To provide an answer to this question I discuss three main areas in which his thinking about the common emerges – his anthropology, philosophy of the urban, and politics of autogestion. This allows me to emphasize the multidimensionality of the Lefebvre-minded commoning, which manifests itself not only at the level of local activism but also touches the dimensions of the production of subjectivity and the constitution of the urban. Read in this way, Lefebvre’s theory of urban commoning helps us to move beyond some of the limitations of the existing discussion of urban commons, as well as to make room for a more fruitful dialogue between urban scholars and autonomist Marxists. It also equips us with an alternative conceptual framework that potentially enhances post-Lefebvrian projects of direct urban democracy.
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Pub Date : 2022-10-02DOI: 10.1080/03017605.2023.2199582
David Kennedy
This paper provides analysis of the football (soccer ball). Specifically, we focus on the manufacture of the World Cup ball through the lens of commodity fetishism and the journey that the football makes to become a commodity. Three aspects of this journey are outlined: symbolic fetish of the World Cup ball in the build-up to tournaments; scientific fetish in the corporate marketing of footballs; and corporate fetish in the form of corporate social responsibility. It is concluded that each aspect together and taken in isolation are mechanisms through which commodity fetishism operates to fragment understanding of systemic contradictions between profit and social justice and obscure the nature of exploitation in the industry that produces footballs, placing limits on intervening policies when they arise.
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