As preparations are being made for the Fourth Women's Conference in September 1995, the conference documents reflect a more pessimistic state of mind than that which was evident during the last women's conference in 1985. The nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are also angry with the decision of the Chinese government to house them at a site which is distant from the conference site. This distance will lessen the impact of the NGOs on the conference. The "New World Order" which has followed the end of the Cold War has unleashed untold suffering for women and children who now comprise 80% of the world's refugee population. In some regions of the world, including the Middle East, women have been reduced to being one-dimensional symbols of cultural purity and religious rectitude. In the West, the women's movement has eroded to the point where "feminist" is a "dirty" word. In all arenas, it is power that women lack and power that women need. A new set of questions ranged around women's relationship with power must be asked and answered. In the Arab world, for example, professional women are discovering the "glass ceiling" and seeking ways to break it, and a "women's Tribunal" has gathered the testimonies of women who have suffered violence and humiliation because of dysfunctional cultural beliefs, attitudes, values, and institutions.
{"title":"1985 to 1995: a decade of power and progress for women?","authors":"L. King-irani","doi":"10.32380/ALRJ.V0I0.896","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32380/ALRJ.V0I0.896","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 As preparations are being made for the Fourth Women's Conference in September 1995, the conference documents reflect a more pessimistic state of mind than that which was evident during the last women's conference in 1985. The nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) are also angry with the decision of the Chinese government to house them at a site which is distant from the conference site. This distance will lessen the impact of the NGOs on the conference. The \"New World Order\" which has followed the end of the Cold War has unleashed untold suffering for women and children who now comprise 80% of the world's refugee population. In some regions of the world, including the Middle East, women have been reduced to being one-dimensional symbols of cultural purity and religious rectitude. In the West, the women's movement has eroded to the point where \"feminist\" is a \"dirty\" word. In all arenas, it is power that women lack and power that women need. A new set of questions ranged around women's relationship with power must be asked and answered. In the Arab world, for example, professional women are discovering the \"glass ceiling\" and seeking ways to break it, and a \"women's Tribunal\" has gathered the testimonies of women who have suffered violence and humiliation because of dysfunctional cultural beliefs, attitudes, values, and institutions.\u0000","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"17 1","pages":"2-3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2016-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69582342","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Women in management means women in power: implications for society, family and culture in the Arab world.","authors":"L King-irani","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"12 69","pages":"9-11"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22018122","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"1985 to 1995: a decade of power and progress for women?","authors":"L King-irani","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"12 69","pages":"2-3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22018120","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In a 16-page letter which is widely viewed by women's groups as an effort to win support for the Vatican's position at the upcoming UN Conference on Women in Beijing, Pope John Paul II apologizes to women throughout the world for the church's historic complicity in their oppression. Although phrased in general terms, the letter contains language and ideas of a far more feminist tone than any previous statements or declarations made by the Pontiff. Calling for increased respect for women and sensitivity to their needs, the letter also claims that "there is an urgent need to achieve real equality in every area: equal pay for equal work, protection for working mothers, fairness in career advancements, equality of spouses with regard to family rights and recognition of everything that is part of the rights and duties of citizens in a democratic state." Recognizing women's significant achievements and sacrifices inside and outside of the home, the Pope expressed admiration for "those women of good will who have devoted their lives to defending the dignity of womanhood by fighting for their basic social, economic and political rights, demonstrating courageous initiative at a time when this was considered extremely inappropriate, the sign of a lack of femininity, a manifestation of exhibitionism, and even a sin." Although the letter heralds a new awareness in the Vatican of women's views, concerns and grievances, the Pope has not signaled any dramatic changes in official church policy: women's ordination, divorce, abortion and birth control are still considered beyond the pale of acceptability.
{"title":"Pope John Paul II apologizes for church's oppression of women.","authors":"","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"<p><p>In a 16-page letter which is widely viewed by women's groups as an effort to win support for the Vatican's position at the upcoming UN Conference on Women in Beijing, Pope John Paul II apologizes to women throughout the world for the church's historic complicity in their oppression. Although phrased in general terms, the letter contains language and ideas of a far more feminist tone than any previous statements or declarations made by the Pontiff. Calling for increased respect for women and sensitivity to their needs, the letter also claims that \"there is an urgent need to achieve real equality in every area: equal pay for equal work, protection for working mothers, fairness in career advancements, equality of spouses with regard to family rights and recognition of everything that is part of the rights and duties of citizens in a democratic state.\" Recognizing women's significant achievements and sacrifices inside and outside of the home, the Pope expressed admiration for \"those women of good will who have devoted their lives to defending the dignity of womanhood by fighting for their basic social, economic and political rights, demonstrating courageous initiative at a time when this was considered extremely inappropriate, the sign of a lack of femininity, a manifestation of exhibitionism, and even a sin.\" Although the letter heralds a new awareness in the Vatican of women's views, concerns and grievances, the Pope has not signaled any dramatic changes in official church policy: women's ordination, divorce, abortion and birth control are still considered beyond the pale of acceptability.</p>","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"12 69","pages":"5-6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1995-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22018121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"The Lebanese woman and the labor market.","authors":"M Khalaf","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"10 61","pages":"14-7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22015143","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Should women's health be a medical specialty?","authors":"T Papazian","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"10 61","pages":"10-2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22015142","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Between 1972 and 1975, women in Lebanon constituted 48.1% of the population. Economically active women accounted for 17.5% of the female population and 18.4% of the total labor force. The participation of women in the labor force has steadily increased since the 1970s and reached 27.8% in 1990. In nonagricultural sectors, the number of economically active went up 128% between 1970 and 1990, while it increased only 2.9% in the agricultural sector. A study on the occupational distribution of the work force, carried out by ESCWA, indicated that, in 1987, a large portion of the economically active women were holding governmental jobs or working with educational institutions and banks. The overall female labor force in the Beirut region along amounted to over 45% of the total lebanese female labor force. The features of the Lebanese female labor market reveal that 1) the rate of participation of women in the labor force significantly increased during the war period, especially in Beirut; 2) the activity rates of women in all age groups have systematically increased since 1950, except in the 10-14 age bracket; 3) the bulk of the female labor force is engaged in the non-agricultural sectors; and 4) more than half of the economically active women are middle level employees in the public and service sectors. As a consequence of the war, 22.5% of the estimated 1991 resident population has been displaced, and 520,000 Lebanese are said to have emigrated during the period 1975-91. The increase in the activity rates of Lebanese women was substantiated by a limited field survey carried out in 4 of the top 10 Lebanese banks. Between 63.9% and 68.4% of women working in these banks were in the 25-40 age group. A 1992 survey of skilled workers in Lebanon covering 65 businesses with over 100 employees indicated that 81% of skilled workers were men, while 19% were women. However, in textile, paper, and pharmaceutical factories and in hospitals, women sometimes constituted 90% of all employees.
{"title":"The Lebanese woman and the labor market.","authors":"M. Khalaf","doi":"10.32380/ALRJ.V0I0.1017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32380/ALRJ.V0I0.1017","url":null,"abstract":"Between 1972 and 1975, women in Lebanon constituted 48.1% of the population. Economically active women accounted for 17.5% of the female population and 18.4% of the total labor force. The participation of women in the labor force has steadily increased since the 1970s and reached 27.8% in 1990. In nonagricultural sectors, the number of economically active went up 128% between 1970 and 1990, while it increased only 2.9% in the agricultural sector. A study on the occupational distribution of the work force, carried out by ESCWA, indicated that, in 1987, a large portion of the economically active women were holding governmental jobs or working with educational institutions and banks. The overall female labor force in the Beirut region along amounted to over 45% of the total lebanese female labor force. The features of the Lebanese female labor market reveal that 1) the rate of participation of women in the labor force significantly increased during the war period, especially in Beirut; 2) the activity rates of women in all age groups have systematically increased since 1950, except in the 10-14 age bracket; 3) the bulk of the female labor force is engaged in the non-agricultural sectors; and 4) more than half of the economically active women are middle level employees in the public and service sectors. As a consequence of the war, 22.5% of the estimated 1991 resident population has been displaced, and 520,000 Lebanese are said to have emigrated during the period 1975-91. The increase in the activity rates of Lebanese women was substantiated by a limited field survey carried out in 4 of the top 10 Lebanese banks. Between 63.9% and 68.4% of women working in these banks were in the 25-40 age group. A 1992 survey of skilled workers in Lebanon covering 65 businesses with over 100 employees indicated that 81% of skilled workers were men, while 19% were women. However, in textile, paper, and pharmaceutical factories and in hospitals, women sometimes constituted 90% of all employees.","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"10 61 1","pages":"14-7"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69581866","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The proponents of a new specialty in medicine focusing on women's health are concerned with women's total health needs, much like pediatrics is with children or geriatrics with old people. None of the 7 Lebanese physicians interviewed were aware of this issue. Among them there were 3 female doctors (a family physician, and endocrinologist, and a dermatologist) and 4 male doctors (2 surgeons, a gynecologist, and a cardiologist). The irrelevance of creating such a specialty in the Lebanese reality could be attributed to the absence of a feminist catalyst in Lebanon. All 7 physicians believed that medicine was providing comprehensive care equitably to men and women and argued that the creation of a new specialty would cause further division and segregation between the sexes. All the doctors said that the main reason for not including women in the trial testing of new drugs is fear of interfering with their reproductive system. Drugs may affect the menstrual cycle, the fetus, or the hormonal system and thus cause permanent damage. Because of cultural and traditional value systems, the endocrinologist claimed that in Lebanon men do not get a genital examination as part of a check-up by their general practitioner, and women are not examined if they do not request it themselves. All agreed that the family physician is the best person to provide comprehensive care and to refer the patient to a specialist. All the physicians with different specialties and backgrounds believed that the creation of a new specialty would be illogical or nonsensical. The fact that women doctors shared the opinion of male doctors was intriguing. It raised questions as to whether they had the same opinion or whether they reacted the same way because they belonged to the same community or because of the absence of an aggressive women's liberation movement in Lebanon.
{"title":"Should women's health be a medical specialty?","authors":"T. Papazian","doi":"10.32380/ALRJ.V0I0.1015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32380/ALRJ.V0I0.1015","url":null,"abstract":"The proponents of a new specialty in medicine focusing on women's health are concerned with women's total health needs, much like pediatrics is with children or geriatrics with old people. None of the 7 Lebanese physicians interviewed were aware of this issue. Among them there were 3 female doctors (a family physician, and endocrinologist, and a dermatologist) and 4 male doctors (2 surgeons, a gynecologist, and a cardiologist). The irrelevance of creating such a specialty in the Lebanese reality could be attributed to the absence of a feminist catalyst in Lebanon. All 7 physicians believed that medicine was providing comprehensive care equitably to men and women and argued that the creation of a new specialty would cause further division and segregation between the sexes. All the doctors said that the main reason for not including women in the trial testing of new drugs is fear of interfering with their reproductive system. Drugs may affect the menstrual cycle, the fetus, or the hormonal system and thus cause permanent damage. Because of cultural and traditional value systems, the endocrinologist claimed that in Lebanon men do not get a genital examination as part of a check-up by their general practitioner, and women are not examined if they do not request it themselves. All agreed that the family physician is the best person to provide comprehensive care and to refer the patient to a specialist. All the physicians with different specialties and backgrounds believed that the creation of a new specialty would be illogical or nonsensical. The fact that women doctors shared the opinion of male doctors was intriguing. It raised questions as to whether they had the same opinion or whether they reacted the same way because they belonged to the same community or because of the absence of an aggressive women's liberation movement in Lebanon.","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"10 61 1","pages":"10-2"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1993-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69581849","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A background to the feminist movement in Egypt.","authors":"H Hoodfar","doi":"","DOIUrl":"","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"10 57","pages":"11-3"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"22027108","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Women's status in Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia is briefly summarized. It is based on a pamphlet produced by the Women's Committee of the Center for Arab Studies for Development, Canada. In Algeria, women's status has been severely restricted by fundamentalism. The independence of 1963 brought with it fundamentalist conditions: mosques became places for political sermons and schools were filled with Islamic zealots. The Family Code of 1984 was imposed. It considered women minors for life, polygamy and divorce freely available for men, and threats to women's right to vote. In 1990, women's organizations in a large rally protested abolition of the 1984 law. The 1991 elections reflected the differences in opinions on women's issues and a 3rd party may be formed with democratic tendencies and support for the Women's Liberation Movement. Morocco also has an antidemocratic regime. 78% of women in 1982 were illiterate. Many work as domestics (56.5%) or in the textile (62%), agricultural, and industrial sectors. Little girls also work as apprentices in exchange for food and clothing. 100% of women are untrained while 100% of men are trained. Rural seasonal workers are ignored. Female employment rose in public services from 16% to 28% in 1989. 53% are engaged in menial occupations; 36% are teachers, secretaries, or nurses. Prostitution thrived when oil merchants invaded. Most women are divorced or widowed, and consequently must work for subsistence because the family code does not permit these women economic independence. In the 1970s men and women protested the royal family's codes. Tunisian women have a more privileged position, due in part to the support from the male feminist leader, Tahar El Haddad, who wrote a book espousing the right of divorce and equal rights in education, and condemning polygamy, sex segregation, and the veil. In 1956, the code changed and forced marriage and polygamy were prohibited. Implementation lags behind the law. Islamic law still gives women 50% of the males' inheritance. Constraints are an economic crisis due to decreased exports to Europe, the Gulf war which ended tourism, the opening of eastern European markets to western Europe, and fundamentalist pressure. It has been proposed that Islamic Shari'a be more progressively interpreted, and state laws be secularized. The Tahar el Haddad Club is a strong feminist group.
简要概述了阿尔及利亚、摩洛哥和突尼斯的妇女地位。它是根据加拿大阿拉伯研究促进发展中心妇女委员会制作的小册子编写的。在阿尔及利亚，妇女的地位受到原教旨主义的严重限制。1963年的独立带来了原教旨主义的条件:清真寺成为政治布道的场所，学校里充满了伊斯兰狂热分子。1984年颁布了《家庭法》。它认为妇女终身为未成年人，男性可以自由地实行一夫多妻制和离婚，并对妇女的投票权构成威胁。1990年，妇女组织在一次大型集会上抗议废除1984年的法律。1991年的选举反映了对妇女问题的意见分歧，可能会形成一个具有民主倾向和支持妇女解放运动的第三党。摩洛哥也有一个反民主的政权。1982年78%的女性是文盲。许多人从事家政(56.5%)或纺织(62%)、农业和工业部门的工作。小女孩也做学徒以换取食物和衣服。100%的女性没有接受过培训，而100%的男性接受过培训。农村的季节性工人被忽视了。1989年，公共服务领域的女性就业率从16%上升到28%。53%从事体力劳动;36%是教师、秘书或护士。当石油商人入侵时，卖淫业蓬勃发展。大多数妇女是离婚或丧偶，因此必须为维持生计而工作，因为家庭法典不允许这些妇女在经济上独立。在20世纪70年代，男人和女人抗议皇室的准则。突尼斯妇女享有更多的特权，部分原因是由于男性女权主义领袖塔哈尔·哈达德(Tahar El Haddad)的支持。哈达德写了一本书，支持离婚的权利和受教育的平等权利，并谴责一夫多妻制、性别隔离和面纱。1956年，法律被修改，强迫婚姻和一夫多妻被禁止。执行落后于法律。伊斯兰法律仍然给予女性50%的男性继承权。限制因素是由于对欧洲出口减少造成的经济危机，海湾战争结束了旅游业，东欧市场向西欧开放，以及原教旨主义的压力。有人提议对伊斯兰教法进行更渐进的解释，并将州法律世俗化。Tahar el Haddad俱乐部是一个强大的女权组织。
{"title":"The women of the Maghreb.","authors":"R. Ghurayyib","doi":"10.32380/ALRJ.V0I0.1083","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.32380/ALRJ.V0I0.1083","url":null,"abstract":"Women's status in Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia is briefly summarized. It is based on a pamphlet produced by the Women's Committee of the Center for Arab Studies for Development, Canada. In Algeria, women's status has been severely restricted by fundamentalism. The independence of 1963 brought with it fundamentalist conditions: mosques became places for political sermons and schools were filled with Islamic zealots. The Family Code of 1984 was imposed. It considered women minors for life, polygamy and divorce freely available for men, and threats to women's right to vote. In 1990, women's organizations in a large rally protested abolition of the 1984 law. The 1991 elections reflected the differences in opinions on women's issues and a 3rd party may be formed with democratic tendencies and support for the Women's Liberation Movement. Morocco also has an antidemocratic regime. 78% of women in 1982 were illiterate. Many work as domestics (56.5%) or in the textile (62%), agricultural, and industrial sectors. Little girls also work as apprentices in exchange for food and clothing. 100% of women are untrained while 100% of men are trained. Rural seasonal workers are ignored. Female employment rose in public services from 16% to 28% in 1989. 53% are engaged in menial occupations; 36% are teachers, secretaries, or nurses. Prostitution thrived when oil merchants invaded. Most women are divorced or widowed, and consequently must work for subsistence because the family code does not permit these women economic independence. In the 1970s men and women protested the royal family's codes. Tunisian women have a more privileged position, due in part to the support from the male feminist leader, Tahar El Haddad, who wrote a book espousing the right of divorce and equal rights in education, and condemning polygamy, sex segregation, and the veil. In 1956, the code changed and forced marriage and polygamy were prohibited. Implementation lags behind the law. Islamic law still gives women 50% of the males' inheritance. Constraints are an economic crisis due to decreased exports to Europe, the Gulf war which ended tourism, the opening of eastern European markets to western Europe, and fundamentalist pressure. It has been proposed that Islamic Shari'a be more progressively interpreted, and state laws be secularized. The Tahar el Haddad Club is a strong feminist group.","PeriodicalId":84134,"journal":{"name":"al-Raida","volume":"10 57 1","pages":"13-6"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"1992-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"69581998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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