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Can Police Unions Help Change American Policing? 警察工会能帮助改变美国的治安吗?
Pub Date : 2021-09-21 DOI: 10.5070/cj85154813
Michelle Hatfield
Author(s): Hatfield, Michelle M.K. | Abstract: Police unions are part of the problem in American policing. Could police unions also be part of the solution? This Comment begins by putting into practice the dialectic we must achieve at a societal level by detailing the ways in which police and Black Americans have been positioned to be in conflict from the seventeenth century to the present, and by discussing the formation of police unions. American society needs truth-telling about the history and present context that drives police officers into deadly conflict with Black Americans to heal, trust, and effectuate a more perfect system for public safety. This Comment wrestles with the need to understand several truths at once: that police organized into unions in part to protect the rank-and-file from managerial abuse; that the American policing system is in many ways designed and implemented against BlacknAmericans; that police unions organized in the Civil Rights Era to protect police officers from discipline for following orders; and that deep, structural change should include police unions. Less fundamental changes that leave in place the core of American policing, without examining its racist foundations and incentives toward brutality and lethal force, will not serve to bring about lasting reconciliation. This Comment reviews several ways to improve the management of police departments put forth by labor and policing scholars and suggests that the promise of such reforms could motivate participation in a truth process. The conversation about policing reform in the United States has expanded and deepened tremendously in the past year, and it continues to evolve and take on new dimensions. This Comment urges policymakers to create a truth process as part of police reform and suggests that the process be implemented via the police unions because the voices of police organizations that represent rank-and-file officers are a critical ingredient for meaningful change.
作者:Hatfield,Michelle M.K.|摘要:警察工会是美国治安问题的一部分。警察工会也能成为解决方案的一部分吗?本评论首先将我们必须在社会层面实现的辩证法付诸实践,详细说明从17世纪到现在,警察和美国黑人在冲突中的定位,并讨论警察工会的组建。美国社会需要讲述驱使警察与美国黑人发生致命冲突的历史和现状,以治愈、信任并实现一个更完善的公共安全体系。这篇评论试图同时理解几个真相:警察组织工会在一定程度上是为了保护普通民众免受管理层的虐待;美国警察系统在许多方面都是针对黑人美国人设计和实施的;警察工会在民权时代组织起来,保护警察遵守命令不受纪律约束;而这种深层次的结构性变革应该包括警察工会。如果不审查其种族主义基础以及对暴行和致命武力的激励,那么将美国警务核心留在原地的不太根本的变革将无助于实现持久的和解。这篇评论回顾了劳工和警务学者提出的改善警察部门管理的几种方法,并表明这种改革的承诺可以激励人们参与真相进程。在过去的一年里,关于美国警务改革的讨论得到了极大的扩展和深化,并继续发展和呈现出新的层面。本意见敦促决策者建立一个真相程序,作为警察改革的一部分,并建议通过警察工会实施这一程序,因为代表普通警察的警察组织的声音是有意义变革的关键因素。
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引用次数: 0
Mandatory Arbitration and Prison Services Contracts: How Private Companies Exploit the Incarcerated and Consumers to Reject Meaningful Accountability 强制性仲裁和监狱服务合同:私营公司如何利用被监禁者和消费者拒绝有意义的责任
Pub Date : 2021-09-21 DOI: 10.5070/cj85154812
Grace Bennett
Author(s): Bennett, Grace | Abstract: This Comment considers a previously unexamined, and particularly vile, consequence of the movement towards consumer arbitration clauses: their impact on incarcerated people and their families. Incarceration is physically, emotionally, and financially ruinous for both the incarcerated and for families who are routinely forced to subsidize their loved one’s incarceration through paying for things like phone calls and basic needs that prisons fail to meet. The burden on families has only increased as governments have contracted various aspects of correctional systems out to private companies that charge exorbitant prices for basic services, knowing full well that consumers have no choice but to comply if they want to provide for and stay connected to incarcerated loved ones. This system would be inhumane enough without the added element of forced arbitration. This Comment hopes to shine a light on how mandatory arbitration clauses make an already exploitative situation all the worse. Not only are families of the incarcerated charged outrageous and illegal prices to communicate with and protect their loved ones, but mandatory arbitration ensures that they have no real ability to hold responsible companies accountable.
摘要:本文考虑了消费者仲裁条款运动的一个先前未被研究的、特别恶劣的后果:它们对被监禁的人及其家人的影响。监禁在身体上、情感上和经济上对被监禁者和家庭都是毁灭性的,他们经常被迫通过支付电话费和监狱无法满足的基本需求来补贴他们所爱的人的监禁。由于政府将惩教系统的各个方面承包给私人公司,这些公司对基本服务收取过高的价格,因此家庭的负担只会增加,因为政府完全知道,如果消费者想要为被监禁的亲人提供服务并与他们保持联系,他们别无选择,只能遵守。如果没有强制仲裁这一附加因素,这一制度就已经足够不人道了。本评论希望阐明强制性仲裁条款如何使本已被剥削的情况变得更糟。不仅被监禁者的家属被收取离谱和非法的价格来与他们的亲人沟通和保护他们,而且强制性仲裁确保他们没有真正的能力追究负责任的公司的责任。
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引用次数: 0
Some Modest Proposals for a Progressive Prosecutor 对进步检察官的几点建议
Pub Date : 2020-10-06 DOI: 10.5070/cj85154805
Steven Zeidman
The progressive prosecutor movement has spawned a number of races for District Attorney where candidates fight to claim the mantle of most progressive potential prosecutor. However, the promises made by self-described forward thinking, if not exactly radical, prosecutor candidates, as well as those made by newly elected District Attorneys, are at best the kind of reformist reforms criticized by many as having little impact on entrenched systems of oppression and as ultimately expanding their reach. It is incumbent on those looking for fundamental change in prosecutorial practices to try and assess whether any candidates are willing to take bolder steps than simply promising to prosecute more fairly and compassionately. Instead, the inquiry must be whether the candidate is willing to give up any aspects of the awesome power and the vast resources bestowed upon the office, particularly when it comes to the trial process. This essay provides a list of proposals that a prosecutor truly bent on far-reaching change should adopt. Taken together, the proposals pave the way for abolition of the role of the prosecutor.
进步检察官运动催生了一系列地区检察官竞选,候选人为争夺最进步的潜在检察官的衣钵而斗争。然而,自称具有前瞻性思维(如果不是完全激进的话)的检察官候选人以及新当选的地区检察官所做的承诺,充其量只是一种改革主义改革,被许多人批评为对根深蒂固的压迫制度影响不大,并最终扩大了其影响范围。那些希望从根本上改变检察做法的人有责任尝试和评估是否有候选人愿意采取比简单地承诺更公平、更富有同情心的起诉更大胆的措施。相反,调查必须是候选人是否愿意放弃赋予办公室的巨大权力和巨大资源的任何方面,尤其是在审判过程中。这篇文章提供了一份建议清单,一个真正致力于深远变革的检察官应该采纳这些建议。总之,这些建议为废除检察官的作用铺平了道路。
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引用次数: 0
CARCERAL IMMOBILITY AND FINANCIAL CAPTURE: A Framework for the Consequences of Racial Capitalism Penology and Monetary Sanctions. 种族资本主义的刑罚和货币制裁的后果框架。
Pub Date : 2020-01-01
Brittany Friedman
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引用次数: 0
FISCAL PRESSURES, THE GREAT RECESSION, AND MONETARY SANCTIONS IN WASHINGTON COURTS OF LIMITED JURISDICTION. 财政压力,大衰退,以及华盛顿法院有限管辖权下的货币制裁。
Pub Date : 2020-01-01
Frank Edwards

Many municipal governments have come to depend heavily on fines and fees generated by the criminal justice system. This essay uses data from all courts of limited jurisdiction (municipal and district courts) in Washington State between 2000 and 2014 to evaluate the relationships between local government finances, the Great Recession, and the imposition of debt through the criminal justice system. I find that municipalities issued more criminal justice debt during and after the recession across Washington, but that government finances as measured by tax receipts and expenditures per capita were weakly related to sentencing practices. These findings suggest that macroeconomic fiscal pressures may be drivers of enforcement and prosecutorial practices through increasing case volumes, but that macroeconomic pressures and local fiscal pressures did not appear to shift court sentencing practices in Washington during the Great Recession.

许多市政府严重依赖刑事司法系统产生的罚款和费用。本文使用2000年至2014年间华盛顿州所有有限管辖权法院(市和区法院)的数据来评估地方政府财政、大衰退和通过刑事司法系统征收债务之间的关系。我发现,在整个华盛顿的经济衰退期间和之后,市政当局发行了更多的刑事司法债务,但以人均税收收入和支出衡量的政府财政与量刑实践的关系很弱。这些发现表明,宏观经济财政压力可能会通过增加案件数量来推动执法和起诉行为,但宏观经济压力和地方财政压力似乎并没有改变大衰退期间华盛顿法院的量刑做法。
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引用次数: 0
PAY UNTO CAESAR:Breaches of Justice in the Monetary Sanctions Regime. PAY UNTO CAESAR:Breaches of Justice in the Monetary Sanctions Regime.
Pub Date : 2020-01-01
Mary Pattillo, Gabriela Kirk

Monetary sanctions include fines, fees, restitution, surcharges, interest, and other costs imposed on people who are convicted of crimes ranging from traffic violations to violent felonies. We analyze how people in the court system theorize about monetary sanctions with regards to four kinds of justice: constitutional, retributive, procedural, and distributive justice. Drawing on qualitative interviews with sixty-eight people sentenced to pay monetary sanctions in Illinois, we identify five themes that illuminate how respondents think about these forms of justice: monetary sanctions are: (1) justifiable punishment, (2) impossible to pay due to poverty, (3) double punishment, (4) extortion, and (5) collected by an opaque and greedy state. We find that for defendants in the criminal justice system, monetary sanctions serve some retributive aims, but do not align with the other three domains of justice. We discuss the policy implications of these findings.

金钱制裁包括对被判犯有从交通违规到暴力重罪等各种罪行的人征收的罚款、费用、归还、附加费、利息和其他费用。我们分析了法院系统中的人们是如何从宪法正义、报应正义、程序正义和分配正义这四种正义的角度对金钱制裁进行理论分析的。通过对伊利诺伊州 68 名被判支付金钱制裁的人进行定性访谈,我们确定了五个主题,这些主题阐明了受访者是如何看待这些司法形式的:金钱制裁是:(1)合理的惩罚;(2)因贫穷而无法支付;(3)双重惩罚;(4)敲诈勒索;(5)由不透明且贪婪的国家收取。我们发现,对于刑事司法系统中的被告而言,金钱制裁可以达到某些惩罚目的,但与其他三个司法领域并不一致。我们将讨论这些发现对政策的影响。
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引用次数: 0
FRAMING THE SYSTEM OF MONETARY SANCTIONS AS PREDATORY: Policies, Practices, and Motivations. 将货币制裁体系框定为掠夺性的:政策、实践和动机。
Pub Date : 2020-01-01
Alexes Harris
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引用次数: 0
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UCLA criminal justice law review
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