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Research note: Explicit voter fraud conspiracy cues increase belief among co-partisans but have broader spillover effects on confidence in elections 研究说明:明确的选民欺诈阴谋线索增加了共同党派的信心,但对选举信心有更广泛的溢出效应
Pub Date : 2022-06-07 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-99
Benjamin A. Lyons, Kaitlyn S. Workman
In this pre-registered experiment, we test the effects of conspiracy cue content in the context of the 2020 U.S. elections. Specifically, we varied whether respondents saw an explicitly stated conspiracy theory, one that was merely implied, or none at all. We found that explicit cues about rigged voting machines increase belief in such theories, especially when the cues target the opposing political party. Explicit cues also decrease confidence in elections regardless of the targeted party, but they have no effect on satisfaction with democracy or support for election security funding. Thus, conspiratorial cues can decrease confidence in institutions, even among the out-party and irrespective of a change in conspiracy beliefs. The results demonstrate that even in a landscape saturated in claims of fraud, voters still respond to novel explicit cues.
在这个预先注册的实验中,我们在2020年美国大选的背景下测试了阴谋线索内容的影响。具体来说,我们改变了受访者是否看到了明确陈述的阴谋论,仅仅是暗示的阴谋论,或者根本没有。我们发现,关于操纵投票机的明确线索增加了人们对这类理论的信任,尤其是当这些线索针对的是对立政党时。明确的暗示也会降低对选举的信心,而不管针对的是哪个政党,但它们对民主的满意度或对选举安全资金的支持没有影响。因此,阴谋线索会降低人们对机构的信心,即使在局外人中也是如此,而且与阴谋信念的改变无关。结果表明,即使在充斥着欺诈指控的情况下,选民仍然会对新的明确线索做出反应。
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引用次数: 1
Clarity for friends, confusion for foes: Russian vaccine propaganda in Ukraine and Serbia 朋友清晰,敌人困惑:俄罗斯在乌克兰和塞尔维亚的疫苗宣传
Pub Date : 2022-04-25 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-98
Katrina Keegan
This paper examines how Russia tailors its vaccine propaganda to hostile and friendly audiences, like Ukraine and Serbia. Web scraping of all articles about vaccines on Russian state-owned websites from December 2020 to November 2021 provided data for quantitative topic modeling and qualitative analysis. This revealed that the Kremlin muddles issues and sows confusion for Ukrainians but feeds Serbians focused, repetitive narratives. Therefore, countering Russian propaganda proactively also requires a tailored approach. Journalists and public communications officials should clarify information and separate unrelated issues in Russia-hostile places like Ukraine but add nuance and context to narratives in Russia-friendly places like Serbia.
本文研究了俄罗斯如何针对敌对和友好的受众(如乌克兰和塞尔维亚)量身定制疫苗宣传。对2020年12月至2021年11月期间俄罗斯国有网站上有关疫苗的所有文章进行网络抓取,为定量主题建模和定性分析提供了数据。这表明,克里姆林宫混淆了问题,给乌克兰人制造了混乱,却给塞尔维亚人提供了集中的、重复的叙述。因此,主动反击俄罗斯的宣传也需要量身定制的方法。记者和公共传播官员应该在乌克兰等对俄罗斯怀有敌意的地方澄清信息,把不相关的问题分开,但在塞尔维亚等对俄罗斯友好的地方,则应该在叙述中加入细微差别和背景。
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引用次数: 1
Who is afraid of fake news? Modeling risk perceptions of misinformation in 142 countries 谁害怕假新闻?模拟142个国家对错误信息的风险认知
Pub Date : 2022-04-12 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-97
Aleksi Knuutila, Lisa-Maria Neudert, P. Howard
Using survey data from 154,195 respondents in 142 countries, we investigate internet user perceptions of the risks associated with being exposed to misinformation. We find that: 1) The majority of regular internet users globally (58.5%) worry about misinformation, and young and low-income groups are most likely to be concerned. 2) Risk perception among internet users varies starkly across regions whereby concern is highest in Latin America and the Caribbean (74.2%), and lowest in South Asia (31.2%). 3) Differences are unrelated to the prevalence of misinformation, yet concern is highest in countries with liberal democratic governments. We discuss implications for successful policy and platform interventions.
利用来自142个国家的154,195名受访者的调查数据,我们调查了互联网用户对暴露于错误信息相关风险的看法。我们发现:1)全球大多数常规互联网用户(58.5%)担心错误信息,年轻人和低收入群体最有可能担心。2)各地区互联网用户的风险认知差异很大,其中拉丁美洲和加勒比地区的关注度最高(74.2%),南亚最低(31.2%)。3)差异与错误信息的普遍存在无关,但在自由民主政府的国家,这种担忧最为严重。我们讨论了成功的政策和平台干预的影响。
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引用次数: 8
Partisan reasoning in a high stakes environment: Assessing partisan informational gaps on COVID-19 高风险环境下的党派推理:评估党派在COVID-19上的信息差距
Pub Date : 2022-03-30 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-96
E. Peterson, S. Iyengar
Using a survey conducted in July 2020, we establish a divide in the news sources partisans prefer for information about the COVID-19 pandemic and observe partisan disagreements in beliefs about the virus. These divides persist when respondents face financial costs for incorrectly answering questions. This supports a view in which the informational divisions revealed in surveys on COVID-19 are genuine differences of opinion, not artifacts of insincere cheerleading. The implication is that efforts to correct misinformation about the virus should focus on changing sincere beliefs while also accounting for information search preferences that impede exposure to correctives among those holding misinformed views.
通过2020年7月进行的一项调查,我们确定了党派倾向于获取有关COVID-19大流行信息的新闻来源的分歧,并观察了党派对该病毒信念的分歧。当受访者因错误回答问题而面临财务成本时,这种差异仍然存在。这支持了一种观点,即关于COVID-19的调查显示的信息分歧是真正的意见分歧,而不是不真诚的拉拉队的人为产物。这意味着,纠正有关病毒的错误信息的努力应侧重于改变真诚的信念,同时也要考虑到信息搜索偏好,这种偏好阻碍了持有错误观点的人接触纠正信息。
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引用次数: 4
Studying mis- and disinformation in Asian diasporic communities: The need for critical transnational research beyond Anglocentrism 研究亚洲散居社区中的错误信息和虚假信息:超越英国中心主义的批判性跨国研究的必要性
Pub Date : 2022-03-24 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-95
Sarah Nguyễn, Rachel Kuo, M. Reddi, Lan Li, R. Moran
Drawing on preliminary research about the spread of mis- and disinformation across Asian diasporic communities, we advocate for qualitative research methodologies that can better examine historical, transnational, multilingual, and intergenerational information networks. Using examples of case studies from Vietnam, Taiwan, China, and India, we discuss research themes and challenges including legacies of multiple imperialisms, nationalisms, and geopolitical tensions as root causes of mis- and disinformation; difficulties in data collection due to private and closed information networks, language translation and interpretation; and transnational dimensions of information infrastructures and media platforms. This commentary introduces key concepts driven by methodological approaches to better study diasporic information networks beyond the dominance of Anglocentrism in existing mis- and disinformation studies.
根据对亚洲侨民社区中错误和虚假信息传播的初步研究,我们提倡定性研究方法,以更好地研究历史的、跨国的、多语言的和代际的信息网络。通过越南、台湾、中国和印度的案例研究,我们讨论了研究主题和挑战,包括多种帝国主义、民族主义和地缘政治紧张局势的遗产,这些都是错误和虚假信息的根本原因;由于私人和封闭的信息网络,语言翻译和口译,在数据收集方面存在困难;信息基础设施和媒体平台的跨国维度。这篇评论介绍了由方法论方法驱动的关键概念,以更好地研究流散信息网络,超越英国中心主义在现有的错误和虚假信息研究中的主导地位。
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引用次数: 10
Hide and seek: The connection between false beliefs and perceptions of government transparency 捉迷藏:错误信念与政府透明度认知之间的联系
Pub Date : 2022-03-16 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-90
Mathieu Lavigne, É. Bélanger, R. Nadeau, Jean-François Daoust, E. Lachapelle
This research examines how false beliefs shape perceptions of government transparency in times of crisis. Measuring transparency perceptions using both closed- and open-ended questions drawn from a Canadian panel survey, we show that individuals holding false beliefs about COVID-19 are more likely to have negative perceptions of government transparency. They also tend to rely on their false beliefs when asked to justify why they think governments are not being transparent about the pandemic. Our findings suggest that the inability to successfully debunk misinformation could worsen perceptions of government transparency, further eroding political support and contributing to non-compliance with public health directives.
这项研究考察了错误的信念如何在危机时期塑造人们对政府透明度的看法。我们使用加拿大小组调查中提出的封闭式和开放式问题来衡量透明度,结果表明,对新冠肺炎持有错误信念的个人更有可能对政府透明度产生负面看法。当被问及为什么他们认为政府对疫情不透明时,他们也倾向于依靠自己的错误信念。我们的研究结果表明,无法成功揭穿错误信息可能会恶化人们对政府透明度的看法,进一步削弱政治支持,并导致不遵守公共卫生指令。
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引用次数: 3
A story of (non)compliance, bias, and conspiracies: How Google and Yandex represented Smart Voting during the 2021 parliamentary elections in Russia 一个关于(不)合规、偏见和阴谋的故事:谷歌和Yandex如何在2021年俄罗斯议会选举中代表智能投票
Pub Date : 2022-03-07 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-94
M. Makhortykh, Aleksandra Urman, M. Wijermars
On 3 September 2021, the Russian court forbade Google and Yandex to display search results for “Smart Voting,” the query referring to a tactical voting project by the jailed Russian opposition leader Alexei Navalny. To examine whether the two search engines complied with the court order, we collected top search outputs for the query from Google and Yandex. Our analysis demonstrates the lack of compliance from both engines; however, while Google continued prioritizing outputs related to the opposition’s web resources, Yandex removed links to them and, in some cases, promoted conspiratorial claims aligning with the Russian authorities’ anti-Western narrative.
2021年9月3日,俄罗斯法院禁止谷歌和Yandex显示“智能投票”的搜索结果,该查询指的是被监禁的俄罗斯反对派领袖阿列克谢·纳瓦尔尼的一个战术投票项目。为了检查这两个搜索引擎是否遵守了法院的命令,我们从谷歌和Yandex收集了该查询的顶级搜索结果。我们的分析表明,两个引擎都缺乏合规性;然而,当谷歌继续优先考虑与反对派网络资源相关的产出时,Yandex删除了与这些资源的链接,在某些情况下,还宣传了与俄罗斯当局反西方叙事一致的阴谋主张。
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引用次数: 12
Ridiculing the “tinfoil hats:” Citizen responses to COVID-19 misinformation in the Danish facemask debate on Twitter 嘲笑“锡纸帽子”:推特上丹麦口罩辩论中公民对COVID-19错误信息的回应
Pub Date : 2022-03-02 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-93
Nicklas Johansen, S. Marjanovic, Cathrine Valentin Kjaer, R. Baglini, Rebecca Adler-Nissen
We study how citizens engage with misinformation on Twitter in Denmark during the COVID-19 pandemic. We find that misinformation regarding facemasks is not corrected through counter-arguments or fact-checking. Instead, many tweets rejecting misinformation use humor to mock misinformation spreaders, whom they pejoratively label wearers of “tinfoil hats.” Tweets rejecting misinformation project a superior social position and leave the concerns of misinformation spreaders unaddressed. Our study highlights the role of status in people’s engagement with online misinformation.
我们研究了新冠肺炎大流行期间丹麦公民如何在推特上参与错误信息。我们发现,关于口罩的错误信息并没有通过反驳或事实核查来纠正。相反,许多拒绝接受错误信息的推文用幽默来嘲笑错误信息传播者,他们轻蔑地给他们贴上“锡箔帽”的标签。拒绝接受错误消息的推文展现了优越的社会地位,并没有解决错误信息传播人的担忧。我们的研究强调了身份在人们参与网络错误信息中的作用。
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引用次数: 2
Addendum to: Research note: Examining potential bias in large-scale censored data 增编:研究说明:审查大规模审查数据中的潜在偏见
Pub Date : 2022-02-24 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-89
Jennifer Allen, M. Mobius, David M. Rothschild, Duncan J. Watts
Addendum to HKS Misinformation Review “Research note: Examining potential bias in large-scale censored data” (https://doi.org/10.37016/mr-2020-74), published on July 26, 2021.
香港科技大学错误信息评论“研究报告:审查大规模审查数据中的潜在偏见”的附录(https://doi.org/10.37016/mr-2020-74),发表于2021年7月26日。
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引用次数: 0
Research note: Tiplines to uncover misinformation on encrypted platforms: A case study of the 2019 Indian general election on WhatsApp 研究报告:在加密平台上发现错误信息的方法:以WhatsApp上2019年印度大选为例研究
Pub Date : 2022-01-31 DOI: 10.37016/mr-2020-91
Ashkan Kazemi, Kiran Garimella, Gautam Kishore Shahi, Devin Gaffney, Scott A. Hale
There is currently no easy way to discover potentially problematic content on WhatsApp and other end-to-end encrypted platforms at scale. In this paper, we analyze the usefulness of a crowd-sourced tipline through which users can submit content (“tips”) that they want fact-checked. We compared the tips sent to a WhatsApp tipline run during the 2019 Indian general election with the messages circulating in large, public groups on WhatsApp and other social media platforms during the same period. We found that tiplines are a very useful lens into WhatsApp conversations: a significant fraction of messages and images sent to the tipline match with the content being shared on public WhatsApp groups and other social media. Our analysis also shows that tiplines cover the most popular content well, and a majority of such content is often shared to the tipline before appearing in large, public WhatsApp groups. Overall, our findings suggest tiplines can be an effective source for discovering potentially misleading content.
目前还没有简单的方法可以大规模发现WhatsApp和其他端到端加密平台上可能存在问题的内容。在本文中,我们分析了用户可以提交他们想要核实事实的内容(“提示”)的众包tipline的有用性。我们将2019年印度大选期间发送到WhatsApp热线的提示与同期在WhatsApp和其他社交媒体平台上的大型公共群组中传播的信息进行了比较。我们发现,tipline是观察WhatsApp对话的一个非常有用的视角:发往tipline的信息和图片中,有很大一部分与WhatsApp公共群组和其他社交媒体上分享的内容相匹配。我们的分析还显示,标题栏很好地覆盖了最受欢迎的内容,其中大部分内容在出现在大型公开的WhatsApp群之前,通常会被分享到标题栏。总的来说,我们的研究结果表明,文章可以成为发现潜在误导性内容的有效来源。
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引用次数: 7
期刊
Harvard Kennedy School misinformation review
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