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Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines最新文献

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New studies of sexual orientation, gender identities and expression in Africa south of the Sahara: complicating the narrative 撒哈拉以南非洲的性取向、性别认同和表达的新研究:使叙述复杂化
Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2142253
Aminata Cécile Mbaye, M. Epprecht
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引用次数: 0
Exploring embodied differences in Xhosa manhood masculinity, and reflecting on thematic analysis 探讨科萨人男子气概和男子气概的体现差异,并反思主题分析
Pub Date : 2022-12-11 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2142252
Thoko Sipungu
ABSTRACT Very little research has been carried out on the significance of the physical body, particularly the disabled body, in the construction and negotiation of and meaning-making in relation to Xhosa manhood, despite manhood status among AmaXhosa being grounded on the body. Through structured and semi-structured in-depth interviews with seventeen visibly physically impaired Xhosa men and one Xhosa cultural expert, this article captures and tentatively theorises the participants’ inability, or lack of language, to talk about their impaired bodies in doing Xhosa manhood masculinity. I argue that the ritualised Xhosa initiation, as a grantor of equality for all traditionally initiated men, and the higher premium on social bodies than physical bodies in this context are the sources of the men’s inability to talk about their bodies as different. Secondly, the article reflects on the author’s decisions and choices regarding analytical themes during the data analysis process.
尽管阿马科萨人的男子气概地位是建立在身体基础上的,但关于身体,特别是残疾身体在科萨人男子气概的建构、协商和意义制造中的意义的研究却很少。通过对17位明显身体受损的科萨男性和一位科萨文化专家进行结构化和半结构化的深度访谈,本文捕捉并初步地将参与者的无能或缺乏语言理论化,在科萨男子气概中谈论他们受损的身体。我认为,仪式化的科萨人入会仪式,作为所有传统入会男性平等的授予者,在这种情况下,社会身体比身体更受重视,这是男性无法谈论自己身体不同的根源。其次,文章反思了作者在数据分析过程中对分析主题的决策和选择。
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引用次数: 0
New directions in conditional policy transfer to sub-Saharan Africa: the case of renewable energy policy transfer to ECOWAS by the EU 向撒哈拉以南非洲有条件政策转移的新方向:欧盟向西非经共体转移可再生能源政策的案例
Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2137213
Titilayo Soremi
ABSTRACT This article applies the policy transfer framework and the Narrative Policy Framework (NPF) to examine the transfer of renewable energy policy to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) by the European Union (EU). The transfer of policy to ECOWAS was shaped by an asymmetrical power dynamic, the use of conditionality and narratives of allyship. I argue that the EU’s conditional policy transfer obstructs domestic policymaking in West Africa, and that its narrative of allyship is undermined by the focus on economic strength. Applying the policy transfer lens to the EU’s conditionality helps to position the engagement as coercive and to examine the recipient’s response to external interference.
本文应用政策转移框架和叙事政策框架(NPF)来研究欧盟(EU)向西非国家经济共同体(ECOWAS)转移可再生能源政策。政策向西非经共体的转移是由不对称的权力动态、限制条件的使用和同盟关系的叙述所决定的。我认为,欧盟有条件的政策转移阻碍了西非的国内政策制定,而欧盟对经济实力的关注削弱了其盟友关系的叙述。将政策转移的视角应用于欧盟的条件性,有助于将这种接触定位为强制性的,并检查接收方对外部干预的反应。
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引用次数: 0
Révolution et sorcellerie: une ethnologue au Burkina Faso 革命与巫术:布基纳法索的民族学家
Pub Date : 2022-11-27 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2133369
S. Belcher
of Sansanding in return for his military and diplomatic services rendered in the conquest of the Western Sudan under Louis Archinard, who used Sèye to implement a protectorate. Chapter 3 shows how Sèye’s challenges of governance between 1891 and 1895 revealed indirect rule to be a costly and violent enterprise. Chapter 4 is a pivotal one in which broader imperial developments between 1895 and 1899, which saw a republican attack on military power in the French empire, conditioned Sèye’s turn toward a coercive patriarchal domination indexed by a growing entourage of women, children and slaves. Chapter 5 examines the broad crisis in 1898 and 1899 that saw the end of military rule in the colony as well as the circulation of lurid allegations about the faama worthy of the pen of a playwright. Chapter 6 returns to the period during which the investigation into Sèye’s alleged malfeasance deepens and the trial that never was produces the legal quandary at the heart of the book. A series of increasingly smaller investigations and bureaucratic maneuverings of Sèye’s allies effectively shield the colonial king in what was perhaps his biggest bargain of collaboration. Here, what had appeared to be a biography reveals itself to be a paradigmatic social history through legal cases. The meticulously detailed depositions on the Mademba affair collected by colonial officials show how the lives of hundreds of ordinary people in Sansanding were utterly transformed by the power wielded by a cunning, and perhaps sadistic, bureaucrat. Chapter 7 covers Mademba’s “redemption” through his careful exploitation of the promise of cotton production. Finally, Chapter 8 traces Sèye’s successful re-branding through a public relations campaign and the discourse of economic development. The source base is broad and effectively marshalled. Roberts deploys a diversity of official and personal correspondence from archives in Mali, Senegal and France as well as oral histories. He does not shy away from quarrels among the sources. Instead, he finds every opportunity to highlight how the differences among the reports offer more historical insight. He also modestly minds the gap between what he is certain about and what cannot be known about this particular past. To return to the paradox that the story of a changing colonialism might be told through a single person – indeed, a single case – it is worth noting Roberts’ own reluctance to write through a biographical frame. He did not want to write a history made by a hero, as he believes that history is made by ordinary people who struggle for justice and equity (309). All the better, as Sèye comes off as a paranoid villain with not-too-implicit comparisons to Donald Trump (xi). But Roberts writes a biography all the same. This reviewer wonders whether, in the context of recent African historiography, this might suggest a definitive turn toward the biographical, and if so, what that might mean for the field.
作为对他在征服路易·阿奇纳德统治下的西苏丹时所提供的军事和外交服务的回报,路易·阿奇纳德利用s建立了一个保护国。第三章展示了1891年至1895年间s耶对治理的挑战如何揭示了间接统治是一项代价高昂且充满暴力的事业。第四章是最关键的一章,在1895年到1899年之间,帝国的发展范围更广,共和主义对法兰西帝国的军事力量发起了攻击,这使得s耶转向了强制性的父权统治,伴随着越来越多的妇女、儿童和奴隶的随从。第五章考察了1898年和1899年的大危机,这场危机见证了殖民地军事统治的结束,以及关于这场闹剧的耸人听闻的指控的流传,这些指控值得一位剧作家的笔来写。第六章回到了对s耶涉嫌渎职的调查加深的时期,以及从未进行过的审判产生了本书核心的法律困境。一系列越来越小的调查和s耶盟友的官僚主义操作有效地保护了这位殖民国王,这可能是他最大的合作交易。在这里,看似传记的东西通过法律案例揭示了自己是一部典型的社会历史。殖民地官员收集的关于马登巴事件的详细证词显示,三山定数百名普通人的生活是如何被一个狡猾、甚至可能是虐待狂的官僚所掌握的权力彻底改变的。第七章讲述了马登巴的“救赎”,他小心翼翼地利用了棉花生产的前景。最后,第8章通过公共关系活动和经济发展的话语追溯了s耶成功的品牌重塑。源库广泛且有效地编组。罗伯茨从马里、塞内加尔和法国的档案中收集了大量的官方和个人信件以及口述历史。他不回避消息来源之间的争吵。相反,他找到了每一个机会来强调报告之间的差异如何提供更多的历史见解。对于这段特殊的过去,他也谦虚地注意到他确定的和不知道的之间的差距。回到这个悖论,即一个不断变化的殖民主义的故事可以通过一个人来讲述——实际上,一个案例——值得注意的是,罗伯茨自己不愿意通过传记的框架来写作。他不想写英雄创造的历史,因为他认为历史是由争取正义和公平的普通人创造的(309)。更棒的是,s躲开了一个偏执的恶棍,与唐纳德·特朗普(Donald Trump)进行了不太含蓄的比较。但罗伯茨还是写了一本传记。本评论家想知道,在最近非洲史学的背景下,这是否意味着一个明确的转向传记,如果是这样,这对这个领域意味着什么。
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引用次数: 0
Conflicts of Colonialism: The Rule of Law, French Soudan, and Faama Mademba Sèye 殖民主义的冲突:法治、法属苏丹和法阿玛·马德巴·苏丹
Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2133367
W. Marsh
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引用次数: 0
Batman Saves the Congo: How Celebrities Disrupt the Politics of Development 《蝙蝠侠拯救刚果:名人如何扰乱政治发展
Pub Date : 2022-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2133368
Mark Harvey
Hawley, C. 2008. India in Africa, Africa in India: Indian Ocean Cosmopolitanisms. Bloomington: Indiana UP. Hofmeyr, I. 2007. “The Black Atlantic Meets the Indian Ocean: Forging New Paradigms of Transnationalism for the Global South – Literary and Cultural Perspectives.” Social Dynamics 33 (2): 3–32. King, K., and M. Venkatachalam, eds. 2021. India’s Development Diplomacy and Soft Power in Africa. London: James Currey. Mawdsley, E., and G. McCann, eds. 2011. India in Africa: Changing Geographies of Power. Cape Town: Pambazuka Press. McCann, G. 2019. “Where was the Afro in Afro-Asian solidarity? Africa’s ‘Bandung Moment’ in 1950s Asia.” Journal of World History 30 (1–2): 89–123.
霍利,C. 2008。印度在非洲,非洲在印度:印度洋世界主义。布卢明顿:印第安纳州。霍梅尔。2007。“黑大西洋与印度洋相遇:为全球南方打造跨国主义的新范式——文学和文化视角”。社会动态,33(2):3 - 4。King, K.和M. Venkatachalam主编。2021. 印度在非洲的发展外交与软实力。伦敦:詹姆斯·柯里。毛兹利,E.和G.麦肯,编。2011. 印度在非洲:不断变化的权力地理。开普敦:Pambazuka出版社。麦肯,G. 2019。“亚非团结中的非洲人在哪里?”非洲的‘万隆时刻’在上世纪50年代的亚洲。”世界历史,30(1-2):89-123。
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引用次数: 3
An Uneasy Embrace: Africa, India and the Spectre of Race 不安的拥抱:非洲、印度和种族的幽灵
Pub Date : 2022-10-31 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2133362
M. Venkatachalam
agement in ex-colonial contexts like Namibia, even if African agency is centered (64–65). Although the central argument of Diamond Warriors is, of course, based on evidence from Namibia, it has implications for other parts of Africa too. Indeed, the author’s claim that his monograph is a pathbreaking addition to the literature on diamond stealing in colonial Namibia is without question (x). Amupanda’s work, particularly its “endogenous” emphasis, stands as a crucial example that should inspire similar in-depth accounts that uncover clandestine dealing in diamonds in other African contexts. That the author engages more with the scholarship on illegal diamond dealing or smuggling in colonial southern African settings, his area of specialty, than he does for other regions signals two related points: first, it highlights the fact that existing historical scholarship on diamond theft in the western, central, and eastern African contexts is sparse; and, second, it draws attention to gaps as yet unfilled. Additional scholarship on diamond smuggling in West and Central Africa would be significant especially because these regions are often cited to support the natural resource curse theory. Thus, new contributions to the historiography focusing on these regions will potentially offer useful insights against which to evaluate Dr. Amupanda’s “Afrocentric interpretation” and the “endogenous” turn he proposes.
像纳米比亚这样的前殖民背景下的管理,即使非洲机构是中心(64-65)。虽然钻石战士的中心论点当然是基于纳米比亚的证据,但它对非洲其他地区也有影响。事实上,作者声称他的专著是对殖民时期纳米比亚钻石盗窃文献的开创性补充,这是毫无疑问的(x)。Amupanda的工作,特别是其“内生”的强调,是一个至关重要的例子,应该激发类似的深入报道,揭露其他非洲国家的秘密钻石交易。作者更多地关注南部非洲殖民地背景下的非法钻石交易或走私,这是他的专业领域,而不是其他地区,这表明了两个相关的观点:首先,它强调了这样一个事实,即关于西非、中非和东非背景下钻石盗窃的现有历史研究很少;其次,它让人们注意到尚未填补的空白。关于西非和中非钻石走私的额外学术研究将是重要的,特别是因为这些地区经常被引用来支持自然资源诅咒理论。因此,对关注这些地区的史学的新贡献可能会为评估Amupanda博士的“非洲中心主义解释”和他提出的“内生”转向提供有用的见解。
{"title":"An Uneasy Embrace: Africa, India and the Spectre of Race","authors":"M. Venkatachalam","doi":"10.1080/00083968.2022.2133362","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/00083968.2022.2133362","url":null,"abstract":"agement in ex-colonial contexts like Namibia, even if African agency is centered (64–65). Although the central argument of Diamond Warriors is, of course, based on evidence from Namibia, it has implications for other parts of Africa too. Indeed, the author’s claim that his monograph is a pathbreaking addition to the literature on diamond stealing in colonial Namibia is without question (x). Amupanda’s work, particularly its “endogenous” emphasis, stands as a crucial example that should inspire similar in-depth accounts that uncover clandestine dealing in diamonds in other African contexts. That the author engages more with the scholarship on illegal diamond dealing or smuggling in colonial southern African settings, his area of specialty, than he does for other regions signals two related points: first, it highlights the fact that existing historical scholarship on diamond theft in the western, central, and eastern African contexts is sparse; and, second, it draws attention to gaps as yet unfilled. Additional scholarship on diamond smuggling in West and Central Africa would be significant especially because these regions are often cited to support the natural resource curse theory. Thus, new contributions to the historiography focusing on these regions will potentially offer useful insights against which to evaluate Dr. Amupanda’s “Afrocentric interpretation” and the “endogenous” turn he proposes.","PeriodicalId":9481,"journal":{"name":"Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines","volume":"10 1","pages":"256 - 258"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-10-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"75623537","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
引用次数: 0
Diamond Warriors in Colonial Namibia: Diamond Smuggling, Migrant Workers and Development in Owamboland 纳米比亚殖民时期的钻石战士:奥万博兰的钻石走私、移民工人和发展
Pub Date : 2022-10-27 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2133361
E. Sewordor
trade and the trade in commodities such as coffee, cotton and sugar cane. This era of transition also saw Luanda’s population grow from 5605 at the end of 1844 to 12,565 in 1850. This dramatic population increase was largely due to the end of the slave trade. In addition, Northern European demand for tropical commodities led to an expansion in local slave labor to work Angolan plantations. Of the 12,565 people in Luanda, 6,020 or 45% were enslaved. Oliveira argues that during this period slavery became increasingly harsh, even “domestic slavery” (86). Amidst the hardships of slavery, however, there were “paths to freedom.” Enslaved people in Luanda could buy their freedom or report abusive masters for redress. What is not clear from the discussion is the real source of the increasing harshness of slavery by the mid-nineteenth century. Was this development due to the demanding nature of commercial plantations or foreign racialized notions of chattel slavery? Whatever the case, Oliveira highlights the fierce resistance of enslaved Africans against their oppressors. Enslaved people who fled founded “mutoltos,” the settlements “that constantly formed around Angola” (95). I find the idea of mutoltos particularly interesting because one could easily draw parallels with quilombos or settlements of runaway slaves in Brazil. This was clearly not Oliveira’s focus. But such a comparison could have been worthwhile, in a book that grounds Angola in a comparative Portuguese/Brazilian imperial history during and in the aftermath of the slave trade. Finally, Oliveira shows how toward the second half of the nineteenth century, racial cleavages between whites and Luso-Africans began to harden. The definition of “white” became exclusive of Luso-Africans in ways that paralleled the emergence of new colonial racial hierarchies in the Atlantic port towns of Africa at the end of the nineteenth century (81). Overall, I highly recommend this book. Slave Trade and Abolition brings fresh perspectives on African and Euro-African women who, through their conjugal relationships with European men, not only participated in the Atlantic slave trade but also steered the course of the socalled legitimate commerce.
贸易以及咖啡、棉花和甘蔗等商品的贸易。在这个过渡时期,罗安达的人口也从1844年底的5605人增长到1850年的12565人。人口的急剧增长主要是由于奴隶贸易的结束。此外,北欧对热带商品的需求导致当地奴隶劳工在安哥拉种植园工作的扩大。在罗安达的12565人中,有6020人(45%)被奴役。奥利维拉认为,在这一时期,奴隶制变得越来越严酷,甚至成为“家庭奴隶制”(86)。然而,在奴隶制的艰辛中,也有“通往自由的道路”。罗安达被奴役的人可以花钱赎身或举报虐待主人以获得赔偿。讨论中不清楚的是,到19世纪中叶,奴隶制日益严酷的真正根源是什么。这种发展是由于商业种植园的苛刻性质还是由于外国种族化的动产奴隶制观念?无论如何,奥利维拉强调了被奴役的非洲人对压迫者的激烈反抗。逃离的奴隶建立了“mutoltos”,即“不断在安哥拉周围形成”的定居点(95)。我觉得mutoltos这个概念特别有趣,因为人们很容易将其与巴西的“歌伦波”或逃亡奴隶定居点相提并论。这显然不是奥利维拉的重点。但这样的比较是值得的,因为这本书将安哥拉置于葡萄牙/巴西帝国在奴隶贸易期间和之后的比较历史中。最后,奥利维拉展示了在19世纪下半叶,白人和葡裔非洲人之间的种族分裂是如何开始加剧的。“白人”的定义被排除在葡裔非洲人之外,其方式与19世纪末非洲大西洋港口城镇出现的新殖民种族等级制度类似(81)。总之,我强烈推荐这本书。《奴隶贸易与废除》为非洲和欧洲女性提供了新的视角,她们通过与欧洲男性的婚姻关系,不仅参与了大西洋奴隶贸易,而且还引导了所谓的合法贸易的进程。
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引用次数: 0
Slave Trade and Abolition: Gender, Commerce, and Economic Transition in Luanda 奴隶贸易和废除:罗安达的性别、商业和经济转型
Pub Date : 2022-10-20 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2121514
Hermann W. von Hesse
be an asset to this country”: Canadian Restrictions of Black Caribbean Female Domestic Workers, 1910–1955. In this chapter, Johnson uses a vast archive of legislation, immigration policies and official correspondence between Caribbean and Canadian officials to argue that “Canadian immigration and other authorities sustained a deliberate and racist rejection of Black female immigration into the Dominion” (281). She links this rejection to fear of Black families and Black communities, as well as to the concomitant fear of Black women as the putative nucleus of both. Finally, Esmeralda M. A. Thornhill’s “Re-Thinking and Re-Framing RDS: A Black Woman’s Perspective” is a meticulous critical review of the aforementioned 1997 Supreme Court of Canada landmark case R. v. S. that situates the courtroom as “a colonized space of White privilege, White entitlement, and above all, White comfort” (566). Moving into the present, Thornhill’s perceptive essay concludes that Black Canadians are still construed “as disruptive of the country’s touted founding image: ‘a White man’s country’” (540). Unsettling the Great White North is a timely, comprehensive and major contribution to the field of Black Canadian history. Barring the puzzling omission of an index, this is a truly impressive collection in both ambition and execution. Surely it will become a vital resource to all students of Canadian history.
成为这个国家的财富”:1910-1955年加拿大对加勒比黑人女性家庭佣工的限制。在这一章中,约翰逊使用了大量的立法、移民政策和加勒比和加拿大官员之间的官方通信档案来论证“加拿大移民和其他当局对黑人女性移民进入自治领进行了蓄意和种族主义的拒绝”(281)。她将这种拒绝与对黑人家庭和黑人社区的恐惧联系起来,以及随之而来的对黑人女性的恐惧,这两者都被认为是核心。最后,Esmeralda M. A. Thornhill的《重新思考和重新构建RDS:一个黑人女性的视角》是对上文提到的1997年加拿大最高法院具有里程碑意义的R. v. s案的细致批判性回顾,该案将法庭定位为“白人特权、白人权利,尤其是白人舒适的殖民空间”(566)。进入到现在,Thornhill敏锐的文章总结道,加拿大黑人仍然被认为“破坏了这个国家被吹捧的建国形象:‘一个白人的国家’”(540)。《惊扰伟大的北方白人》是对加拿大黑人历史领域及时、全面和重大的贡献。除了令人费解的索引遗漏,这是一个真正令人印象深刻的集合在雄心和执行。当然,它将成为所有加拿大历史学生的重要资源。
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引用次数: 2
Sharing the Burden of Sickness: A History of Healing and Medicine in Accra 分担疾病的负担:阿克拉的治疗和医学史
Pub Date : 2022-10-18 DOI: 10.1080/00083968.2022.2119710
Bernard Aristide Bitouga
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines
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