The Court of Slovenian National Honour was established in early June 1945. Until the end of August 1945, it tried those who had (allegedly) collaborated with the occupying forces during the war in any way. Senates consisting of five members held sessions in Ljubljana, Kranj, Novo Mesto, Celje, Maribor, Ptuj and Murska Sobota. In Novo Mesto, the first trial took place on 10 July, but the court ceased to operate as early as 14 July due to the dissatisfaction of the district committee of the Communist Party with the work of the jurist judges. The court treated the acts allegedly perpetrated by the accused very leniently and imposed fairly mild penalties. In nine trials, it sentenced 34 persons to the loss of national honour, 22 persons to light forced labour and six persons to a partial confiscation of property. After the court was abolished and a pardon was declared, the convicted were fully excused of forced labour. The legal implications of the penalty of the loss of national honour were limited to losing political and civil rights, including the right to vote. The penalty of property confiscation remained in effect.
{"title":"Sodišče slovenske narodne časti v Novem mestu","authors":"Mateja Čoh Kladnik","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.23.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.23.3","url":null,"abstract":"The Court of Slovenian National Honour was established in early June 1945. Until the end of August 1945, it tried those who had (allegedly) collaborated with the occupying forces during the war in any way. Senates consisting of five members held sessions in Ljubljana, Kranj, Novo Mesto, Celje, Maribor, Ptuj and Murska Sobota. In Novo Mesto, the first trial took place on 10 July, but the court ceased to operate as early as 14 July due to the dissatisfaction of the district committee of the Communist Party with the work of the jurist judges. The court treated the acts allegedly perpetrated by the accused very leniently and imposed fairly mild penalties. In nine trials, it sentenced 34 persons to the loss of national honour, 22 persons to light forced labour and six persons to a partial confiscation of property. After the court was abolished and a pardon was declared, the convicted were fully excused of forced labour. The legal implications of the penalty of the loss of national honour were limited to losing political and civil rights, including the right to vote. The penalty of property confiscation remained in effect.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"11 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"116671839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In Yugoslavia, the 1980s were a period of economic and political crisis, but also a time of a gradual liberalisation of the society and the start of its movement towards a multiparty system and breakup. By easing impediments of censorship in culture, which was the domain of the ruling communist party, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (ZKJ), a space opened up for artists to raise some traumatic and problematic topics from the Yugoslav past, such as Goli Otok and the clash with the Cominform. The manner in which these topics were addressed in 1980s Yugoslav films suggests that the influence of ZKJ over cultural and social life was waning, but also that the Party still tried to promote its version of the past with propaganda films such as Visoki napon (High Voltage). Accordingly, this article represents a contribution to studying and understanding the social and political situation in the final decade of socialist Yugoslavia, as viewed through the lens of cultural history.
{"title":"„Jugoslavija je kuća koja se ruši”: Prikazivanje sukoba sa Informbiroom u jugoslovenskoj kinematografiji osamdesetih godina – istorijska analiza","authors":"Davor Stipić","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.23.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.23.6","url":null,"abstract":"In Yugoslavia, the 1980s were a period of economic and political crisis, but also a time of a gradual liberalisation of the society and the start of its movement towards a multiparty system and breakup. By easing impediments of censorship in culture, which was the domain of the ruling communist party, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (ZKJ), a space opened up for artists to raise some traumatic and problematic topics from the Yugoslav past, such as Goli Otok and the clash with the Cominform. The manner in which these topics were addressed in 1980s Yugoslav films suggests that the influence of ZKJ over cultural and social life was waning, but also that the Party still tried to promote its version of the past with propaganda films such as Visoki napon (High Voltage). Accordingly, this article represents a contribution to studying and understanding the social and political situation in the final decade of socialist Yugoslavia, as viewed through the lens of cultural history.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128498438","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In April 1941, Italian forces occupied the Lož Valley (Loška dolina); their violent authority continued until the Italian capitulation in September 1943. Considering wartime and post-war fatalities in the area in question, the Italian invaders caused the highest number of deaths, namely forty percent of all fatalities, most of them civilian. The most extreme violence took place during the Italian offensive in July and August 1942, when there were mass shootings, the population was exiled to internment, and property was burned and looted.
{"title":"»Brez dvoma bo civilno prebivalstvo pri tem hudičevo trpelo« (Edvard Kardelj): Italijanska ofenziva na območju Loške doline leta 1942","authors":"Mirjam Dujo Jurjevčič","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.23.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.23.1","url":null,"abstract":"In April 1941, Italian forces occupied the Lož Valley (Loška dolina); their violent authority continued until the Italian capitulation in September 1943. Considering wartime and post-war fatalities in the area in question, the Italian invaders caused the highest number of deaths, namely forty percent of all fatalities, most of them civilian. The most extreme violence took place during the Italian offensive in July and August 1942, when there were mass shootings, the population was exiled to internment, and property was burned and looted.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"43 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127533650","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
For Slovenians, who became a national minority in Italy, the new border demarcation resulting from the Paris Peace Treaty in 1947 opened a new chapter of political engagement, with the formation of new political parties with clear ideological and national profiles. There were significant differences in the political field among Slovenians who lived in the provinces of Trieste, Gorizia and Udine, stemming from different historical, social as well as national contexts. Ideological differentiation was also prominent in 1947, further “enriched” in 1948 by the dispute between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union following the Cominform resolution. Ever since the pre-war times, a dividing line had been based on two concepts of political action: independent Slovenian political engagement on the one hand and integration into Italian parties on the other.
{"title":"Politično delovanje Slovencev na Tržaškem, Goriškem in Videmskem po podpisu Pariške mirovne pogodbe leta 1947","authors":"Erika Jazbar","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.23.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.23.5","url":null,"abstract":"For Slovenians, who became a national minority in Italy, the new border demarcation resulting from the Paris Peace Treaty in 1947 opened a new chapter of political engagement, with the formation of new political parties with clear ideological and national profiles. There were significant differences in the political field among Slovenians who lived in the provinces of Trieste, Gorizia and Udine, stemming from different historical, social as well as national contexts. Ideological differentiation was also prominent in 1947, further “enriched” in 1948 by the dispute between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union following the Cominform resolution. Ever since the pre-war times, a dividing line had been based on two concepts of political action: independent Slovenian political engagement on the one hand and integration into Italian parties on the other.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"22 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"117328640","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In line with the provisions of the peace treaty with Italy, a large part of the Archdiocese of Gorizia became part of Yugoslavia on 15 September 1947; the same applies to the Diocese of Rijeka and part of the Diocese of Trieste-Koper. Franc Močnik became the apostolic administrator for the Yugoslav part of the dioceses of Gorizia and Trieste-Koper. Even before the annexation, activities of the Church in Zone B under Yugoslav administration had been under close surveillance; violence against priests had started and was further exacerbated after the annexation. Udba, the secret political police, launched an active “differentiation” of the clergy right after the annexation. It collected materials against undesirable priests, starting arrests and trials. Franc Močnik was driven out of the country twice by an incited mob; in 1948, he was succeeded by Mihael Toroš, who first held a different view of the authorities, collaborating with them and being a member of the Cyril-Methodius Society (CMD) at first. After four years, he changed his opinion radically, becoming a harsh critic.
根据同意大利签订的和平条约的规定，戈里齐亚大主教管区的很大一部分于1947年9月15日成为南斯拉夫的一部分;里耶卡教区和里雅斯特-科佩尔部分教区也是如此。Franc mo nik成为哥里齐亚和特里雅斯特-科佩尔教区南斯拉夫部分的宗座管理员。甚至在吞并之前，在南斯拉夫管理下的B区教会的活动一直受到密切监视;针对牧师的暴力行为已经开始，并在吞并后进一步加剧。秘密政治警察乌德巴(Udba)在吞并后立即对神职人员进行了积极的“分化”。它收集反对不受欢迎的牧师的材料，开始逮捕和审判。Franc mo nik曾两次被煽动的暴民驱逐出境;1948年，他的继任者是迈克尔·托罗什，他最初对当局持有不同的看法，与他们合作，最初是Cyril-Methodius协会(CMD)的成员。四年后，他彻底改变了自己的观点，成为了一名严厉的批评者。
{"title":"Preganjanje duhovščine v priključenem delu Primorske in coni B Svobodnega tržaškega ozemlja","authors":"Tamara Griesser Pečar","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.23.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.23.4","url":null,"abstract":"In line with the provisions of the peace treaty with Italy, a large part of the Archdiocese of Gorizia became part of Yugoslavia on 15 September 1947; the same applies to the Diocese of Rijeka and part of the Diocese of Trieste-Koper. Franc Močnik became the apostolic administrator for the Yugoslav part of the dioceses of Gorizia and Trieste-Koper. Even before the annexation, activities of the Church in Zone B under Yugoslav administration had been under close surveillance; violence against priests had started and was further exacerbated after the annexation. Udba, the secret political police, launched an active “differentiation” of the clergy right after the annexation. It collected materials against undesirable priests, starting arrests and trials. Franc Močnik was driven out of the country twice by an incited mob; in 1948, he was succeeded by Mihael Toroš, who first held a different view of the authorities, collaborating with them and being a member of the Cyril-Methodius Society (CMD) at first. After four years, he changed his opinion radically, becoming a harsh critic.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114912599","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
At the end of the Second World War and in its immediate aftermath, Joseph V. Stalin discussed the issue of Slovenian intellectuals with Edvard Kardelj (1944) and Boris Kidrič (1946); he saw them as a homogeneous social group as the intelligentsia in Russia had been before the formation of the Soviet regime and believed them to be problematic as well as useful to communists, particularly while fighting for patriotic aims. It seems that he detected this as a problem mostly due to the situation in Italy, with which Yugoslavia was in dispute over a border issue. In spite of criticising J. V. Stalin, Kardelj later thought that the problem highlighted by the Soviet leader indeed existed.
{"title":"Stalinove in Kardeljeve skrbi zaradi slovenskih intelektualcev","authors":"Igor Grdina","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.23.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.23.2","url":null,"abstract":"At the end of the Second World War and in its immediate aftermath, Joseph V. Stalin discussed the issue of Slovenian intellectuals with Edvard Kardelj (1944) and Boris Kidrič (1946); he saw them as a homogeneous social group as the intelligentsia in Russia had been before the formation of the Soviet regime and believed them to be problematic as well as useful to communists, particularly while fighting for patriotic aims. It seems that he detected this as a problem mostly due to the situation in Italy, with which Yugoslavia was in dispute over a border issue. In spite of criticising J. V. Stalin, Kardelj later thought that the problem highlighted by the Soviet leader indeed existed.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"130036691","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article examines the role of the established elites in the process of the spread of populism in Europe. The author argues that populism is not so much a cause as a symptom of a crisis of democracy. The ineffectiveness and irresponsibility of the traditional political parties and the weakness of leadership by the established political elites have contributed significantly to the popularity of the populist messages. Populist political figures are taking advantage of the declining trust in political institutions, which is linked to their sub-optimal performance, especially in crisis situations.
{"title":"Odgovornost etabliranih elit za vzpon populizma v Evropi","authors":"Matevž Tomšič","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.22.12","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.22.12","url":null,"abstract":"The article examines the role of the established elites in the process of the spread of populism in Europe. The author argues that populism is not so much a cause as a symptom of a crisis of democracy. The ineffectiveness and irresponsibility of the traditional political parties and the weakness of leadership by the established political elites have contributed significantly to the popularity of the populist messages. Populist political figures are taking advantage of the declining trust in political institutions, which is linked to their sub-optimal performance, especially in crisis situations.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"25 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123900015","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents a brief overview of various aspects of the repression performed by the Communist regime in the Primorska region between the end of the World War II in 1945 and the mid-1950s. The paper covers three periods: the period of the forty-day Yugoslav government in the Julian March in May 1945, the periods of Zone A and Zone B of the Julian March (from 12 June 1945 to 15 September 1947) and the first years after the delimitation following 15 September 1947, when the Primorska region was annexed to the People’s Republic of Slovenia, then part of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia according to the Paris Peace Treaty.
{"title":"Krajši pregled represije jugoslovanskega režima ob zahodni meji od konca vojne 1945 do srede petdesetih let","authors":"Jernej Vidmar Bašin","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.22.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.22.9","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a brief overview of various aspects of the repression performed by the Communist regime in the Primorska region between the end of the World War II in 1945 and the mid-1950s. The paper covers three periods: the period of the forty-day Yugoslav government in the Julian March in May 1945, the periods of Zone A and Zone B of the Julian March (from 12 June 1945 to 15 September 1947) and the first years after the delimitation following 15 September 1947, when the Primorska region was annexed to the People’s Republic of Slovenia, then part of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia according to the Paris Peace Treaty.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"115937816","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Bogdan Radica (1904–1993), who began studying art history at the University of Ljubljana in 1923, left interesting accounts of Slovenians in his opus. Although they rarely occupied the forefront of his interest, they had a significant impact on him with their perception of Russia. As to the Yugoslav politics, he mostly found them to be too pro-Serbian. The situation in Ljubljana deterred Radica from politically oriented Catholicism. In his later years, Radica interacted with important Slovenian politicians and literary figures (Anton Korošec, Louis Adamič, Izidor Cankar and Edvard Kardelj) and in his accounts shattered many stereotypes about most of them. After the outbreak of World War II, Korošec was in his opinion not principally an advocate of pro-German politics, but a neutralist out of fear of the Third Reich, Izidor Cankar was critical of the Serbian dominance in Yugoslavia, and Louis Adamič was so much in favour of the Communists after 1945, that he became insensitive to the trampling of human rights in Tito’s Yugoslavia.
{"title":"Bogdan Radica in Slovenci","authors":"Igor Grdina","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.22.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.22.7","url":null,"abstract":"Bogdan Radica (1904–1993), who began studying art history at the University of Ljubljana in 1923, left interesting accounts of Slovenians in his opus. Although they rarely occupied the forefront of his interest, they had a significant impact on him with their perception of Russia. As to the Yugoslav politics, he mostly found them to be too pro-Serbian. The situation in Ljubljana deterred Radica from politically oriented Catholicism. In his later years, Radica interacted with important Slovenian politicians and literary figures (Anton Korošec, Louis Adamič, Izidor Cankar and Edvard Kardelj) and in his accounts shattered many stereotypes about most of them. After the outbreak of World War II, Korošec was in his opinion not principally an advocate of pro-German politics, but a neutralist out of fear of the Third Reich, Izidor Cankar was critical of the Serbian dominance in Yugoslavia, and Louis Adamič was so much in favour of the Communists after 1945, that he became insensitive to the trampling of human rights in Tito’s Yugoslavia.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"127624303","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The present Slovenian communities in the Italian borderlands have undergone extraordinary changes in the size and composition of their populations over the last century. After World War II, a large number of political refugees from Slovenia also settled there. Since the Italian authorities did not grant them Italian citizenship, most of them emigrated across the ocean after a few years. The rest became actively involved in the social and cultural life of the borderlands. Certainly, the refugees played a very prominent role in the culturally deprived Slovenian community in the Primorska region, which was the result of a quarter of a century of fascist oppression. This applies in particular to the education, media, cultural activities and religious life, where traces of their work are evident.
{"title":"Vloga političnih beguncev iz Slovenije pri oživljanju slovenstva v zamejstvu v Italiji","authors":"Ivo Jevnikar","doi":"10.55692/d.18564.22.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.55692/d.18564.22.8","url":null,"abstract":"The present Slovenian communities in the Italian borderlands have undergone extraordinary changes in the size and composition of their populations over the last century. After World War II, a large number of political refugees from Slovenia also settled there. Since the Italian authorities did not grant them Italian citizenship, most of them emigrated across the ocean after a few years. The rest became actively involved in the social and cultural life of the borderlands. Certainly, the refugees played a very prominent role in the culturally deprived Slovenian community in the Primorska region, which was the result of a quarter of a century of fascist oppression. This applies in particular to the education, media, cultural activities and religious life, where traces of their work are evident.","PeriodicalId":102264,"journal":{"name":"Dileme : razprave o vprašanjih sodobne slovenske zgodovine","volume":"30 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126010858","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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