Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_010
Marina Torres Trimállez
In 1676, the Dominican friar Domingo Fernández de Navarrete (onward Navarrete), OP (1619–1689) showed his admiration for the Chinese empire by describing the beauty and mystery of the emperor’s crown, 冕冠 mianguan. In his Tratados historicos, politicos, ethicos y religiosos de la monarchia de China, he claimed to have seen with his own eyes its round and tall shape in some temples.1 Navarrete explained that the quantity of tassels—a total of 12 pearls dangled from the crown—marked the emperor’s status as 天子 tianzi—Son of Heaven—and he described their symbolism thus:
1676年，多米尼加修士多明戈Fernández de Navarrete(后Navarrete)， OP(1619-1689)通过描述皇帝的王冠冕的美丽和神秘，表达了他对中华帝国的钦佩。在他的《Tratados historicos, politicos, ethicos y religiosos de la monia de China》一书中，他声称在一些寺庙中亲眼看到了它的圆而高的形状纳瓦雷特解释说，流苏的数量——从王冠上垂下的总共12颗珍珠——标志着皇帝作为天子的地位，他这样描述它们的象征意义:
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Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_005
Patricia Souza de Faria
In 1567, the First Provincial Council of Goa was held in the city that became the seat of the homonymous Archbishopric and capital of the Portuguese conquests located in Asia. Within the scope of the Portuguese overseas empire, the Provincial Councils of Goa stand out for the relative regularity with which they were held, totaling five councils celebrated between 1567 and 1606, and for their role in the production of ecclesiastical legislation to be applied in territories and societies as diverse as those under the jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Goa. This chapter analyzes how the relationship between Catholics and non-Christians was intended to be governed by the Church and the Portuguese Crown in the Archbishopric of Goa. By analyzing the decrees of the Provincial Councils of Goa as well as some specific regulations utilized in the Estado da Índia, the actions aimed at promoting the conversion of local populations and eradicating non-Christian beliefs can be examined. Simultaneously, it is necessary to consider the multiple concrete circumstances in which Catholics and non-Christians coexisted and interacted in the territories of the Estado da Índia. The first section discusses the nature of the Portuguese presence in the Indian Ocean and its establishments, demonstrating that the ecclesiastical organization of the Estado da Índia was built amid a diversity of establishments and communities under the influence—directly or indirectly—of the Portuguese Crown. The second section summarizes the historical contexts and main products of the five Provincial Councils of Goa. Additionally, the essence of the decrees contained in the Second Action of the minutes from these councils are analyzed, with attention to the regulations aimed at dealing with non-Christian social groups and the idealized means for promoting conversions to Catholicism in the Archbishopric of Goa. The determinations
1567年，第一届果阿省议会在这座城市举行，这座城市后来成为同名大主教的所在地，也是葡萄牙人在亚洲征服的首都。在葡萄牙海外帝国的范围内，果阿省议会因其举行的相对规律而引人注目，在1567年至1606年期间共举行了五次会议，并因其在制定教会立法方面的作用而引人注目，这些立法适用于果阿大主教辖区内的各种领土和社会。本章分析了天主教徒和非基督徒之间的关系是如何被教会和葡萄牙王室在果阿大主教管治的。通过分析果阿省议会的法令以及国家Índia所使用的一些具体条例，可以审查旨在促进当地人口改变信仰和根除非基督教信仰的行动。同时，有必要考虑天主教徒和非基督徒在国家Índia领土内共存和相互作用的多种具体情况。第一部分讨论了葡萄牙人在印度洋的存在及其机构的性质，证明了Estado da Índia的教会组织是在葡萄牙王室直接或间接影响下建立的各种机构和社区。第二部分总结了果阿五省议会的历史背景和主要成果。此外，还分析了这些会议纪要的《第二次行动》中所载法令的实质，并注意到旨在处理非基督教社会团体的条例和在果阿总教区促进改信天主教的理想化手段。的决定
{"title":"Catholics and Non-Christians in the Archbishopric of Goa","authors":"Patricia Souza de Faria","doi":"10.1163/9789004472839_005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004472839_005","url":null,"abstract":"In 1567, the First Provincial Council of Goa was held in the city that became the seat of the homonymous Archbishopric and capital of the Portuguese conquests located in Asia. Within the scope of the Portuguese overseas empire, the Provincial Councils of Goa stand out for the relative regularity with which they were held, totaling five councils celebrated between 1567 and 1606, and for their role in the production of ecclesiastical legislation to be applied in territories and societies as diverse as those under the jurisdiction of the Archbishopric of Goa. This chapter analyzes how the relationship between Catholics and non-Christians was intended to be governed by the Church and the Portuguese Crown in the Archbishopric of Goa. By analyzing the decrees of the Provincial Councils of Goa as well as some specific regulations utilized in the Estado da Índia, the actions aimed at promoting the conversion of local populations and eradicating non-Christian beliefs can be examined. Simultaneously, it is necessary to consider the multiple concrete circumstances in which Catholics and non-Christians coexisted and interacted in the territories of the Estado da Índia. The first section discusses the nature of the Portuguese presence in the Indian Ocean and its establishments, demonstrating that the ecclesiastical organization of the Estado da Índia was built amid a diversity of establishments and communities under the influence—directly or indirectly—of the Portuguese Crown. The second section summarizes the historical contexts and main products of the five Provincial Councils of Goa. Additionally, the essence of the decrees contained in the Second Action of the minutes from these councils are analyzed, with attention to the regulations aimed at dealing with non-Christian social groups and the idealized means for promoting conversions to Catholicism in the Archbishopric of Goa. The determinations","PeriodicalId":102272,"journal":{"name":"Norms beyond Empire","volume":"52 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"122548175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_006
M. Camacho
In his seminal work on the process of hispanization in the first century and a half of Spanish rule in the Philippines, John Leddy Phelan concluded that the Spaniards had succeeded in Christianizing matrimony; however, he acknowledged that socioeconomic aspects of prehispanic marriage persisted in the first century of Spanish colonization, particularly those of brideprice and bride-gift. According to Phelan, these practices “smacked of fathers selling their daughters, perhaps against the latter’s will, to the highest bidder”.1 While Phelan differentiated between dowry and brideprice as Philippine indigenous practices, an examination of Spanish sources, ethnographic and otherwise, shows that what the Spaniards called ‘dowry’ (dote) corresponds to brideprice; that is, these two marriage prestations were actually the same. The application of European nomenclature obscured the meaning of the original indigenous referent (bugay in Bisaya and bigay-kaya in Tagalog, two Philippine languages), and so, like early modern Spanish authors in the field, Phelan appears to have confused these terms. This chapter problematizes the conceptual translation of indigenous marriage prestations. It explores the perspectives of moral theologians and clergymen, and traces the normative means, both ecclesiastical and secular, and their juridical and moral underpinnings, to make native customs conform to Catholic matrimonial law and values. Likewise, it examines normative literature and judicial sources to discern the indigenous response to these efforts at transformation in the late 17th to 18th century. In sum, it traces the ways in which the institutions of bugay/bigay-kaya were practised, interpreted, contested, and integrated into the colonial matrimonial order.
{"title":"“Que los indios no puedan vender sus hijas para contraer matrimonio”: Understanding and Regulating Bridewealth and Brideservice in the Spanish Colonial Period of the Philippines","authors":"M. Camacho","doi":"10.1163/9789004472839_006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004472839_006","url":null,"abstract":"In his seminal work on the process of hispanization in the first century and a half of Spanish rule in the Philippines, John Leddy Phelan concluded that the Spaniards had succeeded in Christianizing matrimony; however, he acknowledged that socioeconomic aspects of prehispanic marriage persisted in the first century of Spanish colonization, particularly those of brideprice and bride-gift. According to Phelan, these practices “smacked of fathers selling their daughters, perhaps against the latter’s will, to the highest bidder”.1 While Phelan differentiated between dowry and brideprice as Philippine indigenous practices, an examination of Spanish sources, ethnographic and otherwise, shows that what the Spaniards called ‘dowry’ (dote) corresponds to brideprice; that is, these two marriage prestations were actually the same. The application of European nomenclature obscured the meaning of the original indigenous referent (bugay in Bisaya and bigay-kaya in Tagalog, two Philippine languages), and so, like early modern Spanish authors in the field, Phelan appears to have confused these terms. This chapter problematizes the conceptual translation of indigenous marriage prestations. It explores the perspectives of moral theologians and clergymen, and traces the normative means, both ecclesiastical and secular, and their juridical and moral underpinnings, to make native customs conform to Catholic matrimonial law and values. Likewise, it examines normative literature and judicial sources to discern the indigenous response to these efforts at transformation in the late 17th to 18th century. In sum, it traces the ways in which the institutions of bugay/bigay-kaya were practised, interpreted, contested, and integrated into the colonial matrimonial order.","PeriodicalId":102272,"journal":{"name":"Norms beyond Empire","volume":"93 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"133571284","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_011
Fupeng Li
The Great Voyage not only triggered the geographical connectivity of the Iberian Peninsula to the world, but also brought about a global reconciliation of temporal order through the circulation of Western astronomical knowledge.1 In the face of intercultural encounters between China and the Iberian empires, two types of normative knowledge were spread by missionaries, but with diametrically opposed outcomes in the Chinese context, thus forming a tale of two cities: Portuguese Macau and Beijing, concerning religion and science, respectively.2 In contrast to the prohibition of Christianity due to the Rites Controversy over the religiosity of Confucianism,3 the scientific knowledge of astronomy was incorporated into Chinese traditional ritual practices by the Jesuits serving at the imperial court, in the formulation of calendar books, after the German Jesuit Adam Schall von Bell (1591–1666) was appointed as director of the Imperial Observatory (欽天監) in 1644. By focusing on the distinct ways of marking time in China and Christianity, this chapter, first, demonstrates the differences between the two genres of knowledge—Jesuit astronomy and traditional Chinese numerology—by revisiting the calendrical controversies during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties so as to redefine the Chinese calendar as a manual of rituals for guiding the actions and decision-making process of daily life. Second, the chapter
{"title":"Time as Norm: The Ritual Dimension of the Calendar Book and the Translation of Multi-Temporality in Late Imperial China","authors":"Fupeng Li","doi":"10.1163/9789004472839_011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004472839_011","url":null,"abstract":"The Great Voyage not only triggered the geographical connectivity of the Iberian Peninsula to the world, but also brought about a global reconciliation of temporal order through the circulation of Western astronomical knowledge.1 In the face of intercultural encounters between China and the Iberian empires, two types of normative knowledge were spread by missionaries, but with diametrically opposed outcomes in the Chinese context, thus forming a tale of two cities: Portuguese Macau and Beijing, concerning religion and science, respectively.2 In contrast to the prohibition of Christianity due to the Rites Controversy over the religiosity of Confucianism,3 the scientific knowledge of astronomy was incorporated into Chinese traditional ritual practices by the Jesuits serving at the imperial court, in the formulation of calendar books, after the German Jesuit Adam Schall von Bell (1591–1666) was appointed as director of the Imperial Observatory (欽天監) in 1644. By focusing on the distinct ways of marking time in China and Christianity, this chapter, first, demonstrates the differences between the two genres of knowledge—Jesuit astronomy and traditional Chinese numerology—by revisiting the calendrical controversies during the late Ming and early Qing dynasties so as to redefine the Chinese calendar as a manual of rituals for guiding the actions and decision-making process of daily life. Second, the chapter","PeriodicalId":102272,"journal":{"name":"Norms beyond Empire","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"124540608","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_002
{"title":"Decentering Law and Empire: Law-Making, Local Normativities, and the Iberian Empires in Asia","authors":"","doi":"10.1163/9789004472839_002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004472839_002","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":102272,"journal":{"name":"Norms beyond Empire","volume":"74 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"128434203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_009
Rômulo da Silva Ehalt
About 18 years ago [...], a devil entered the body of a heathen and publicly declared he had come from England, and he had come to Japan to teach the devils of Japan how to persecute Christians. [...] since then this poor Church of Japan has been put to shame, and all those who protected the priests and their neighbors were executed and had their possessions taken away; not only those who sheltered and harbored [the missionaries] in their homes, but also ten neighbors of the house where they were harbored suffered the same punishment. [...] the door to that country is closed so tightly that it seems that, if this harsh persecution continues for long, everything will be lost.1
{"title":"Theology in the Dark: The Missionary Casuistry of Japan Jesuits and Dominicans during the Tokugawa Persecution (1616–1622)","authors":"Rômulo da Silva Ehalt","doi":"10.1163/9789004472839_009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004472839_009","url":null,"abstract":"About 18 years ago [...], a devil entered the body of a heathen and publicly declared he had come from England, and he had come to Japan to teach the devils of Japan how to persecute Christians. [...] since then this poor Church of Japan has been put to shame, and all those who protected the priests and their neighbors were executed and had their possessions taken away; not only those who sheltered and harbored [the missionaries] in their homes, but also ten neighbors of the house where they were harbored suffered the same punishment. [...] the door to that country is closed so tightly that it seems that, if this harsh persecution continues for long, everything will be lost.1","PeriodicalId":102272,"journal":{"name":"Norms beyond Empire","volume":"62 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131211110","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_003
Â. Xavier
Upon visiting the villages of the ‘Old Conquests’ of Goa today—the territories that included Tiswadi, Salcete, and Bardez—it would be clear that they are very different from those of Portugal. Dominated by the Portuguese for 450 years, one could conceivably expect more similarities. Their ‘Indianness’, particularly in what concerns their religious normativity, was reconstructed during the 19th and 20th centuries. However, before the 19th century, the ‘Lusitanization’ of these villages—that is to say, the incorporation of Portuguese-style practices into village life—was more explicit in very specific dimensions, namely the administrative, legal, and religious ones. This chapter addresses some of the dimensions of this process from the perspective of the life and afterlife of a Portuguese imperial document of 1526, the Foral dos usos e costumes dos Gancares e Lavradores da Ilha de Goa e outras annexas a ella, better known as Foral de Mexia, henceforth referred to as Foral.1 Since the 16th century, Portuguese imperial administrators and, later, scholars have collected a large body of knowledge about Goan normative orders and their cultural differences in relation to the Portuguese normative orders they were familiar with (which included their African dominions). Following this, European travelers, missionaries, and merchants have also registered information about the rules that operated in different parts of Western India, particularly those relating to religion, marriage, hereditary offices, and land. The relationship between these normativities and the Portuguese imperial order, however, still needs further study. Normativities, as defined by Thomas Duve, are the sets of juridical, religious, social, and economic norms which guide individuals, groups, and peoples in
参观今天果阿“旧征服”的村庄——包括蒂斯瓦迪、萨尔塞特和巴德兹在内的领土——很明显，它们与葡萄牙的村庄非常不同。被葡萄牙人统治了450年，人们可以想象到更多的相似之处。他们的“印度性”，特别是与他们的宗教规范性有关的东西，在19世纪和20世纪被重建。然而，在19世纪之前，这些村庄的“卢西坦化”(Lusitanization)——也就是说，将葡萄牙风格的做法纳入村庄生活——在非常具体的方面更为明显，即行政、法律和宗教方面。本章从1526年葡萄牙帝国文件《Foral dos usos e costumes dos Gancares e Lavradores da Ilha de Goa e outras annexas a ella》的生活和来世的角度阐述了这一过程的一些方面，《Foral de Mexia》更被称为《Foral de Mexia》，以后简称为《fora》。1自16世纪以来，葡萄牙帝国的管理者，学者们收集了大量关于果阿规范秩序的知识，以及他们与他们熟悉的葡萄牙规范秩序(包括他们的非洲领土)的文化差异。在此之后，欧洲旅行者、传教士和商人也记录了在西印度不同地区运作的规则信息，特别是那些与宗教、婚姻、世袭办公室和土地有关的信息。然而，这些规范与葡萄牙帝国秩序之间的关系仍需要进一步研究。正如托马斯·杜夫所定义的那样，规范是指导个人、群体和人民行为的一系列法律、宗教、社会和经济规范
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Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_008
M. R. Lourenço
The transfer of the Iberian Inquisitions to the overseas territories of Portugal and Spain in 1560 and 1569–71 impacted the functioning of these tribunals in ways that were by no means superficial—to the extent that this institution was challenged by problems that it had not anticipated and for which it was only minimally prepared. Despite being an institution that was intended to be uniform in its organization and procedures, in African, American, and Asian contexts, the Inquisition was forced to adjust its models of surveillance as they were practiced in the Iberian Peninsula. The territories where the Crown—and by extension, the Holy Office— claimed jurisdiction encompassed large geographies that contrasted with the Iberian/European background that provided the social and religious matrix on which the jurisprudence practiced by the inquisitorial courts was based. Modern Inquisitions were heirs to a centuries-old process of adapting, employing, and defining the vocabulary relating to transgression and orthodoxy. Drawing from different social settings of Greek-Roman society, early Christian authors employed terms such as “sect”, “heresy”, or “superstition” to structure the basic discourse on faith and religion.1 The theological sophistication that ensued from the need to differentiate Christian orthodoxy from other groups claiming doctrinal authority also fostered a heresiological discourse that named, classified, and defined religious dissention to the point that it resulted in the production of handbooks on heresies, while Roman courts were making use of their own terminology to address charges of religious dissention.2 Thus, the
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Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_004
Abisai Perez Zamarripa
In early May, 1590, native chief Don Felipe Tuliao of Guagua (Pampanga, the Philippines) testified, at the request of Spanish Governor Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, about the current state of local justice. A year before, Dasmariñas had mandated to summarily conduct, i.e. resolve orally without keeping written records, all the local lawsuits, and he requested that the Crown make his order irrevocable. To achieve his goal, the governor resorted to the testimonies of principales, as the Spaniards called the indigenous rulers of the Philippines. According to principal Tuliao, since “the lawsuits are determined verbally without writing”, natives no longer filed “unjust lawsuits proven with false witnesses” or spent their goods on “the many fees that the judges and their officials” required. In Tuliao’s opinion, a royal confirmation of summary justice “would be a particular merced (favor) to these islands” because it dealt with two obstacles in the dispensing of justice explored in this paper: the shortage of colonial magistrates and the abuses that they performed against the natives.1 Tuliao’s testimony provides insight into the dispensing of justice by the Spanish Crown to its Philippine subjects—a key strategy for keeping the newly conquered islands under its control. Thus, the question arises, which principles governed the administration of justice in the early colonial Philippines and how did the Crown manage this?
{"title":"The Principales of Philip II: Vassalage, Justice, and the Making of Indigenous Jurisdiction in the Early Colonial Philippines","authors":"Abisai Perez Zamarripa","doi":"10.1163/9789004472839_004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004472839_004","url":null,"abstract":"In early May, 1590, native chief Don Felipe Tuliao of Guagua (Pampanga, the Philippines) testified, at the request of Spanish Governor Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, about the current state of local justice. A year before, Dasmariñas had mandated to summarily conduct, i.e. resolve orally without keeping written records, all the local lawsuits, and he requested that the Crown make his order irrevocable. To achieve his goal, the governor resorted to the testimonies of principales, as the Spaniards called the indigenous rulers of the Philippines. According to principal Tuliao, since “the lawsuits are determined verbally without writing”, natives no longer filed “unjust lawsuits proven with false witnesses” or spent their goods on “the many fees that the judges and their officials” required. In Tuliao’s opinion, a royal confirmation of summary justice “would be a particular merced (favor) to these islands” because it dealt with two obstacles in the dispensing of justice explored in this paper: the shortage of colonial magistrates and the abuses that they performed against the natives.1 Tuliao’s testimony provides insight into the dispensing of justice by the Spanish Crown to its Philippine subjects—a key strategy for keeping the newly conquered islands under its control. Thus, the question arises, which principles governed the administration of justice in the early colonial Philippines and how did the Crown manage this?","PeriodicalId":102272,"journal":{"name":"Norms beyond Empire","volume":"32 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"125348129","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2021-11-05DOI: 10.1163/9789004472839_007
Luísa Silva
Since the 13th century, the Ashikaga clan governed Japan as shōguns (military rulers). During the rule of Ashikaga Yoshiharu, the 12th shōgun of the Muromachi period (1336–1573), Japan was amid the turmoil of a civil war. Due to the lack of political articulation, the effective power of the shōgun was diminishing considerably day by day. To complicate this scenario, something unique happened for the first time on Japanese soil: in 1543, Portuguese travelers arrived in the island of Tanegashima aboard Chinese junk ships, making the first contact between Japan and Europe.1 Six years later, the first Jesuits in Japan, Francisco Xavier, Cosme de Torres, and Juan Fernández, landed in today’s Kagoshima, at that time part of the Satsuma fief, and began the Christian mission in Japan. After these events, an increasing number of missionaries came to Japan, developed their evangelical mission, and attempted to forge alliances with daimyōs (local warlords) and shōguns. From that moment, Christians began to document their life, their preaching, and their mission in Japan. Today, this corpus of sources can be found in different parts of the world in Jesuit, Franciscan, and Dominican archives. Descriptions about early Christian life in Japan can also be found in national archives around the world: in Tokyo, Madrid, Mexico City, Lisbon, Seville, and Manila, to name a few. This includes official correspondence with monarchs in Europe, histories of Japan, descriptions and letters, and instructions for the captains of the official trips from China to Japan.2 The same, however, cannot be said about Japanese sources about the Christians written in the same period. Many factors account for this imbalance, with the most significant one being the systematic persecution of Christians since
{"title":"The Janus Face of Normativities in a Global Mirror: Viewing 16th-Century Marriage Practices in Japan from Christian and Japanese Traditions","authors":"Luísa Silva","doi":"10.1163/9789004472839_007","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004472839_007","url":null,"abstract":"Since the 13th century, the Ashikaga clan governed Japan as shōguns (military rulers). During the rule of Ashikaga Yoshiharu, the 12th shōgun of the Muromachi period (1336–1573), Japan was amid the turmoil of a civil war. Due to the lack of political articulation, the effective power of the shōgun was diminishing considerably day by day. To complicate this scenario, something unique happened for the first time on Japanese soil: in 1543, Portuguese travelers arrived in the island of Tanegashima aboard Chinese junk ships, making the first contact between Japan and Europe.1 Six years later, the first Jesuits in Japan, Francisco Xavier, Cosme de Torres, and Juan Fernández, landed in today’s Kagoshima, at that time part of the Satsuma fief, and began the Christian mission in Japan. After these events, an increasing number of missionaries came to Japan, developed their evangelical mission, and attempted to forge alliances with daimyōs (local warlords) and shōguns. From that moment, Christians began to document their life, their preaching, and their mission in Japan. Today, this corpus of sources can be found in different parts of the world in Jesuit, Franciscan, and Dominican archives. Descriptions about early Christian life in Japan can also be found in national archives around the world: in Tokyo, Madrid, Mexico City, Lisbon, Seville, and Manila, to name a few. This includes official correspondence with monarchs in Europe, histories of Japan, descriptions and letters, and instructions for the captains of the official trips from China to Japan.2 The same, however, cannot be said about Japanese sources about the Christians written in the same period. Many factors account for this imbalance, with the most significant one being the systematic persecution of Christians since","PeriodicalId":102272,"journal":{"name":"Norms beyond Empire","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2021-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126358975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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