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When the Agreement Collapses 当协议崩溃
Pub Date : 2019-10-03 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199577194.003.0007
Yitzhak Benbaji, D. Statman
What happens when one of the parties to the war contract deliberately ignores it? This typically occurs when one of the parties violates the jus in bello rules by bombing civilian targets, murdering POWs and so on. This chapter argues that the normative implications of breaching the war contract are themselves part of the contract. In the absence of an international body that can enforce the contract on those violating it, the parties have the right to respond to violations of the in bello rules. These remedies—these counter-violations—should be cautious and restrained, with a constant eye on the goal of reinstituting the parties’ commitment to the broken rules. The in bello violations that call for retaliation are of three general kinds: (a) violating prohibitions whose source is merely conventional, such as those outlawing certain weapons; (b) violating the prohibition against targeting civilians in cases in which the civilians attacked bear responsibility for the enemy war effort, such as politicians or party members; and (c) carrying out indiscriminate attacks on civilians. The chapter argues that retaliation in kind is licensed by the war contract in all three categories. Ex ante, decent and partial parties would see the need to deter disobedient parties and to make them realize that they would pay too high a price for violations of the war agreement. Thus, a war ethic of the kind the chapter proposes will make the world a safer place in which to live.
如果战争合同的一方故意忽视它会发生什么?这种情况通常发生在一方违反战时法规则,轰炸平民目标,谋杀战俘等。本章认为,违反战争契约的规范含义本身就是契约的一部分。在没有一个国际机构可以对违反合同的人执行合同的情况下,当事各方有权对违反战时规则的行为作出反应。这些补救措施——这些反违规行为——应该是谨慎和克制的,并始终着眼于重建各方对违规行为的承诺。需要报复的战时违反行为一般有三种:(a)违反纯粹出于常规的禁令,例如禁止某些武器的禁令;(b)在受到攻击的平民对敌人的战争努力负有责任的情况下,例如政治家或党员,违反禁止以平民为目标的规定;(c)不分青红皂白地攻击平民。本章认为,在所有三种情况下,战争合同都允许进行实物报复。在此之前,体面的和偏袒的各方将看到有必要阻止不服从的各方,并使他们认识到,他们将为违反战争协定付出过高的代价。因此,本章提出的那种战争伦理将使世界成为一个更安全的生活场所。
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引用次数: 0
The Aims of Just Wars and Jus Ex Bello 正义战争的目的和公平对待
Pub Date : 2019-10-03 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199577194.003.0004
Yitzhak Benbaji, D. Statman
The chapter discusses the just aims of defensive wars, and, by implication, the duty to end wars, viz., the jus ex bello. It starts with a discussion of the idea of ‘uncompromising wars’ according to which wars may go on until one’s enemy military forces is completely destroyed. We offer a contractarian argument for a rule that categorically prohibits such wars. We then develop two asymmetries between the justice of resort to war and the justice of continuing it. In particular, we show that the conditions of proportionality and of probability of success function differently in constraining resort to war and in constraining its continuation.
这一章讨论了防御战争的正当目的,并由此暗示了结束战争的义务,即,当然战权。它首先讨论了“不妥协战争”的概念,根据这个概念,战争可能会持续到敌人的军事力量被完全摧毁。我们提供了一个契约主义的论点,明确禁止这种战争的规则。然后我们发展了诉诸战争的正义和继续战争的正义之间的两种不对称。我们特别指出,比例条件和成功概率条件在限制诉诸战争和限制战争继续方面的作用是不同的。
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引用次数: 0
Foundations of a Non-Individualist Morality 非个人主义道德的基础
Pub Date : 2019-10-03 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199577194.003.0002
Yitzhak Benbaji, D. Statman
The purpose of this chapter is to outline an alternative to Individualism and to show that moral rights can be taken seriously while acknowledging the role of organized societies in determining the actual distribution of moral rights and duties. In some cases, the rules accepted by such societies give content to what was indeterminate at the pre-contractual level. In others, they redistribute moral rights and duties among members of society. In both these ways, rights behave in a less rigid manner than that entailed by Individualism. To understand how social rules can determine rights, it is particularly helpful to look at the way social roles provide their holders with a permission to diverge from what would be required from them pre-contractually. In decent societies, holders of public roles typically have a right to fulfil their professional duty without deliberating on the merits of the case; namely, without being guided by first-order reasons that pertain to the cases with which they deal. This applies to combatants as well. In most cases, they have a right to disregard the first-order reasons pertaining to the justness of the war they are sent to fight. The responsibility for launching an unjust war lies on the shoulders of the politicians and not on those of combatants, just as the responsibility for sending an innocent person to jail rests with the court and not with the prison guards.
本章的目的是概述个人主义的另一种选择,并表明道德权利可以被认真对待,同时承认有组织的社会在决定道德权利和义务的实际分配方面的作用。在某些情况下,这些社会所接受的规则为在契约前一级不确定的内容提供了内容。在其他情况下,它们在社会成员之间重新分配道德权利和义务。在这两种情况下,权利的表现都不如个人主义所要求的那样严格。要理解社会规则是如何决定权利的,研究一下社会角色是如何为其持有者提供一种许可,允许他们偏离合同前的要求的,这是特别有帮助的。在体面的社会中,公共角色的持有者通常有权履行其专业职责,而无需考虑案件的是非曲直;也就是说,不受与他们所处理的案件有关的一阶原因的指导。这也适用于战斗人员。在大多数情况下,他们有权无视与他们被派去战斗的战争的正义性有关的首要理由。发动一场非正义战争的责任落在政治家的肩上而不是战士的肩上,正如将无辜者送进监狱的责任落在法庭而不是狱警身上一样。
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引用次数: 0
Concluding Remarks 结束语
Pub Date : 2019-10-03 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199577194.003.0008
Yitzhak Benbaji, D. Statman
In this chapter we offer some concluding remarks. We point to the limitations of contractarianism, to its advantages over revisionism, and to its practicality. We show that for contractarianism wars are not necessarily ‘moral tragedies’, as they are for revisionists because wars do not necessarily involve unavoidable wrongdoing. According to contractarianism, combatants participating in war can do so without violating the rights of either combatants or civilians of the enemy side. The chapter also shows how even revisionists rely at times on contractualist premises to justify adherence to rules which they regard as unjustified in terms of ‘deep morality’. We also criticize the way this notion is utilized, especially the distinction between ‘deep morality’ and non-deep morality (associated with compliance with the laws of war). The distinction creates the impression that one should give priority to considerations stemming from deep morality over those stemming from shallow morality. But clearly, even revisionists do not assume such a priority—neither in general, nor in the field of war. Finally, the chapter highlights the ‘realist’ aspect of contractarianism, namely, its scepticism about the termination of wars and warfare. This scepticism has to do with the existence of evil individuals and of rogue states, but also with benign self-interest coupled with epistemic shortcomings and a constant suspicion of others. Given this realist assumption, states would be better off agreeing on rules to regulate war that would, on the one hand, facilitate effective self-defence, while on the other, reduce the killing and harm they cause.
在本章中,我们作一些总结。我们指出契约主义的局限性,指出它比修正主义的优点,指出它的实用性。我们表明,对于契约主义来说,战争不一定是“道德悲剧”,因为战争不一定涉及不可避免的不法行为,而对于修正主义者来说,战争则不一定是“道德悲剧”。根据契约主义,参加战争的战斗人员可以在不侵犯敌方战斗人员或平民权利的情况下这样做。本章还展示了即使是修正主义者有时也会依赖契约主义的前提来证明遵守他们认为在“深层道德”方面不合理的规则是合理的。我们还批评了这一概念的使用方式,特别是“深层道德”和非深层道德(与遵守战争法有关)之间的区别。这种区别给人的印象是,人们应该优先考虑源于深层道德的考虑,而不是源于肤浅道德的考虑。但是,很明显,即使是修正主义者也没有这样的优先权,无论是在一般情况下,还是在战争领域。最后,本章强调了契约主义的“现实主义”方面,即它对战争和战争结束的怀疑。这种怀疑主义与邪恶的个人和流氓国家的存在有关,但也与善意的利己主义、认知缺陷和对他人的持续怀疑有关。鉴于这种现实主义的假设,各国最好就规范战争的规则达成一致,一方面促进有效的自卫,另一方面减少战争造成的杀戮和伤害。
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引用次数: 0
A Contractarian Account of the Crime of Aggression 侵略罪的契约主义解释
Pub Date : 2019-10-03 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199577194.003.0003
Yitzhak Benbaji, D. Statman
The purpose of this chapter is to explain the moral standing of jus ad bellum as it is formulated in the UN Charter. According to the contract that the Charter embeds, any armed violation of a state’s territorial integrity by another state is an instance of prohibited aggression. As we read it, the Charter confers a moral right against aggression even on states whose borders are unjustly drawn, and even on dangerous states whose political society is irrecoverably divided. In return, states gain a right to go to wars whose aim is to defend their territorial integrity even when such wars are pre-contractually unjust.
本章的目的是解释《联合国宪章》所阐述的战争法的道德地位。根据《宪章》所载的契约,另一国对一国领土完整的任何武装侵犯都是被禁止的侵略。当我们阅读《宪章》时,《宪章》赋予了一种反对侵略的道义权利,即使是对那些边界划分不公正的国家,甚至对那些政治社会已不可挽回地分裂的危险国家也是如此。作为回报,国家有权发动以捍卫领土完整为目的的战争,即使这些战争在签订合同之前是不公正的。
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引用次数: 1
Contractarianism and the Moral Equality of Combatants 契约主义与战斗人员的道德平等
Pub Date : 2019-10-03 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199577194.003.0005
Yitzhak Benbaji, D. Statman
The purpose of this chapter is to offer a contractarian defence of Moral Equality, the thesis that Just and Unjust Combatants do not wrong each other when they kill and maim each other in war. We concede that the killings of Just Combatants by Unjust Combatants is pre-contractually impermissible. Moral Equality is nevertheless true if an agreement between states that equalize the legal standing of soldiers is fair and also mutually beneficial. By accepting such an agreement, combatants attain a right to take advantage of traditional jus in bello rules, thereby violating no duty against Just Combatants by attacking them.
本章的目的是为道德平等提供一个契约主义的辩护,即正义和非正义的战斗人员在战争中互相残杀和致残时不会互相伤害。我们承认,非正义战斗人员杀害正义战斗人员在签订合同之前是不允许的。然而,如果国家之间平等对待士兵法律地位的协议是公平且互利的,那么道德平等就是真实的。通过接受这样的协议,战斗人员获得了利用传统的战时法规则的权利,因此攻击他们并不违反对正义战斗人员的义务。
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引用次数: 0
Contractarianism and the Moral Equality of Civilians 契约主义与公民的道德平等
Pub Date : 2019-10-03 DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199577194.003.0006
Yitzhak Benbaji, D. Statman
The chapter proposes a contractarian account of the strict prohibition against targeting civilians and of the limited permission to collaterally harm them. It shows that under an arrangement by which states hold armies whose role is self-defence and deterrence from aggression, a contract granting immunity to civilians from direct attack is mutually beneficial to all decent parties. It would immunize even civilians who are culpable for the threat against which the just side is fighting. The permission to inflict collateral damage on civilians is also explained on contractarian grounds. The chapter concludes by discussing the rules of warfare in asymmetrical conflicts.
这一章提出了严格禁止以平民为目标以及附带伤害平民的有限许可的契约解释。它表明,在国家拥有以自卫和威慑侵略为作用的军队的安排下,一项赋予平民免受直接攻击豁免权的合同对所有正派各方都是互利的。它甚至将使那些对正义一方所对抗的威胁负有罪责的平民免于受害。允许对平民造成附带损害也是基于合同的理由。本章最后讨论了不对称冲突中的战争规则。
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引用次数: 0
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