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The Most American Drug 最美国的毒品
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv177tk3n.29
R. Crandall
This chapter begins with scenes from Matthew Heineman's Oscar-nominated documentary Cartel Land, which shows a crew of Mexican methamphetamine cooks standing around a few steaming plastics barrels. It investigates how methamphetamine was the scourge drug of twenty-first century middle America until opioid addiction grew into a full-fledged crisis. It also recounts how methamphetamine was widely prescribed and misused across America under brand names like Methedrine and Norodin well into the 1980s. The chapter discusses how illicit meth had remained popular with underground lab cooks and users since the days when it flowed through the counterculture of postwar New York and San Francisco.
本章从马修·海涅曼(Matthew Heineman)获得奥斯卡提名的纪录片《卡特尔土地》(Cartel Land)中的场景开始,片中一群墨西哥制毒工人站在几个冒着热气的塑料桶周围。它调查了甲基苯丙胺是如何成为21世纪美国中部的祸害毒品,直到阿片类药物成瘾发展成为一场全面危机。它还讲述了甲基苯丙胺是如何在20世纪80年代以“甲基安非他命”和“诺罗丁”等品牌在美国被广泛处方和滥用的。这一章讨论了自从毒品在战后的纽约和旧金山的反主流文化中流通以来,非法冰毒是如何在地下实验室的厨师和使用者中流行起来的。
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引用次数: 0
Big Tobacco 大烟草公司
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv177tk3n.27
R. Crandall
This chapter reviews the uneven, cynical, and outright hypocritical evolution of tobacco as a legal but still addictive and harmful drug. It talks about citizens and politicians that have combatted the tobacco scourge to provide valuable context for other campaigns against other substances. It also investigates Big Tobacco's legacy as a once wildly successful corporate special interest in an industry dedicated to a single product that killed many of its users. The chapter looks at medical research over the previous two decades that found correlations between tobacco and low birth weight, emphysema, and heart disease, to name some of the more fatal maladies. It cites that scientists demonstrated that cigarettes were much more addictive and dangerous than cigars, pointing out the first reported connection between smoking and lung cancer in 1939.
本章回顾了烟草作为一种合法但仍然令人上瘾和有害的药物的不平衡、愤世嫉俗和彻头彻尾的虚伪演变。它讲述了与烟草祸害作斗争的公民和政治家,为其他反对其他物质的运动提供了有价值的背景。它还调查了大烟草公司的遗产,作为一个曾经非常成功的企业特殊利益,在一个专注于单一产品的行业,杀死了许多用户。本章回顾了过去二十年的医学研究,这些研究发现烟草与低出生体重、肺气肿和心脏病之间存在关联,并列举了一些更致命的疾病。它引用了科学家证明香烟比雪茄更容易上瘾和危险,并指出1939年首次报道的吸烟和肺癌之间的联系。
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引用次数: 1
Drugs 101 101年药物
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv177tk3n.4
R. Crandall
This chapter recounts the history of how humans have used drugs for all kinds of reasons, including achieving alternative states of consciousness. It mentions excavations that have uncovered colored stains on human teeth that date back to sometime between 2400 and 2000 B.C.E., indigenous Peruvians were making pipes for smoking hallucinogenic herbs. It also talks about the Chinese, who were cultivating opium by 700 A.D. and an Abyssinian herder from 900 A.D., who noticed that his animals would become nervous after eating the shiny red fruit of a tree that would one day be called coffee. The chapter refers to scientists that suggested that the desire to alter consciousness is the “fourth drive” in every human mind, making drug use biologically inevitable. It provides enough information to dispel some of the myths about drug use, abuse, addiction, trafficking, and enforcement.
这一章叙述了人类如何因为各种原因而使用药物的历史,包括达到另一种意识状态。它提到了在人类牙齿上发现的彩色污渍,这些污渍可以追溯到公元前2400年到2000年之间的某个时候,土著秘鲁人正在制作烟斗,用来吸食致幻草药。书中还谈到了公元700年开始种植鸦片的中国人,以及公元900年的阿比西尼亚牧民,他注意到他的动物在吃了一种有一天被称为咖啡的树上闪亮的红色果实后会变得紧张。这一章提到了科学家的观点,他们认为改变意识的欲望是每个人心灵中的“第四驱动力”,从生物学角度来说,吸毒是不可避免的。它提供了足够的信息来消除一些关于药物使用、滥用、成瘾、贩运和执法的神话。
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引用次数: 0
Alternative Consciousness 可供选择的意识
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv177tk3n.12
R. Crandall
This chapter stresses how illicit drugs were difficult to obtain in America and were often heavily diluted by the early 1940s. It illustrates the conditions that limited the supply of drugs in the Unites States, such as the massive diversion of resources toward a single national effort, the militarization of almost every major sea passage, an extremely limited supply of private aircraft and navigable international airspace. It also recounts how cannabis became a potent fuel for the countercultural awakening that began to spread across the nation after the war. The chapter focuses on the term “psychedelic drugs,” which is generally taken to mean a class of substance that primarily affects cognition and perception. It identifies how psychedelic alkaloids such as psilocybin, LSD, DMT, and mescaline bind to serotonin receptors thought to regulate sensory input and interpretation.
这一章强调了非法药物在美国是如何难以获得的,并且在20世纪40年代早期常常被严重稀释。它说明了限制美国毒品供应的条件,例如大量资源被用于单一的国家努力,几乎每条主要海上通道的军事化,私人飞机和可通航的国际空域的供应极其有限。它还讲述了大麻如何成为战后开始在全国蔓延的反文化觉醒的有力燃料。本章的重点是“迷幻药”这个术语,它通常被认为是指一类主要影响认知和知觉的物质。它确定了迷幻生物碱如裸盖菇素、LSD、DMT和美斯卡灵是如何与被认为调节感觉输入和解释的血清素受体结合的。
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引用次数: 0
Nixon’s War
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv177tk3n.13
Russell Crandall
This chapter recounts how drug use became commonplace among the American middle-class once again over the course of the second half of the twentieth century. It discusses the federal crackdown in the Progressive era and Harry Anslinger's ensuing anti-drug crusade that made it easy to forget that Americans had ever before flirted with mind-altering substances. It also cites President Richard Nixon's announcement of his national attack on narcotics abuse on July 14, 1969 as a campaign promise he had to uphold after speaking in southern California's conservative Orange County in September 1968. The chapter elaborates how Nixon's announcement decried the explosion in drug use as a growing menace to the welfare of the United States, causing the surge juvenile arrests for drug possession between 1960 and 1967. It talks about how Nixon was convinced that illegal drug abuse in America had reached epidemic levels and blamed the surge on several sources, such as the sympathetic media coverage.
本章叙述了在二十世纪下半叶,毒品是如何再次在美国中产阶级中变得司空见惯的。它讨论了进步时代联邦政府的镇压行动,以及哈里·安斯林格(Harry Anslinger)随后发起的反毒品运动,这让人们很容易忘记美国人以前也曾接触过改变精神状态的物质。它还引用了尼克松总统在1968年9月在加州南部保守的奥兰治县发表演讲后,于1969年7月14日宣布要在全国范围内打击毒品滥用的竞选承诺。这一章详细阐述了尼克松的声明是如何谴责毒品使用的激增是对美国福利的日益严重的威胁,导致1960年至1967年间青少年因持有毒品而被捕的激增。书中谈到尼克松是如何确信美国的非法药物滥用已经达到了流行病的程度,并将毒品滥用的激增归咎于几个来源,比如同情的媒体报道。
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引用次数: 0
The War over the War on Drugs 反毒品战争的战争
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv177tk3n.24
R. Crandall
This chapter focuses on the war over the war on drugs, which is a secondary, derivative, and ideological war that is used as a framing device for understanding the question of drugs in the United States over the past two decades. It addresses whether the fight against drugs has achieved its objectives and whether the moral, political, economic, and personal costs of protracted policies of drug prohibition outweigh liberalization. It also refers to John Walters, director of the White House Office of National Drug Control Policy under George W. Bush, who recruited core American values to defend the drug war. The chapter discusses the conservative view on drugs, which was reiterated by the Temperance and Prohibition movements as part of the Progressive reform wave that swept the United States at the turn of the twentieth century. It points out how pervasive drug use in America is a signal of moral decline, and prohibition is the only solution.
这一章的重点是针对毒品战争的战争,这是一场次要的、衍生的、意识形态的战争,它被用作理解过去二十年来美国毒品问题的框架工具。它讨论了与毒品的斗争是否达到了目标,以及长期禁毒政策的道德、政治、经济和个人成本是否超过了自由化。它还指乔治·w·布什时期的白宫国家毒品控制政策办公室主任约翰·沃尔特斯,他利用美国的核心价值观来捍卫毒品战争。这一章讨论了保守派对毒品的看法,这一观点在20世纪之交席卷美国的进步改革浪潮中被禁酒运动所重申。它指出,在美国,无处不在的毒品使用是道德沦丧的信号,而禁止是唯一的解决办法。
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引用次数: 0
Reagan’s War 里根干
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv177tk3n.14
R. Crandall
This chapter discusses how the U.S. nation witnessed a second heroin epidemic in the second half of the 1970s that terrified politicians and tore open the social fabric of inner cities across America. It mentions the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse that began using a new metric in the early 1970s that included a question about drug use in the “last month.” It also recounts how cocaine that was supplied by enterprising and ruthless Colombian traffickers came to grip America like no other drug before it, referencing magazines like Newsweek that characterized cocaine as the status symbol of the American middle-class pothead. The chapter talks about how Ronald Reagan, who took the further step of establishing a new agency, the Drug Abuse Policy Office, which became the White House's Office of National Drug Control Policy. It explains Operation Pipeline, which escalated “pretextual traffic stops” and “consent searches” to leverage consent to search for drugs.
这一章讨论了美国是如何在20世纪70年代后半期见证了第二次海洛因泛滥,这使政治家们感到恐惧,并撕裂了美国内城的社会结构。它提到了全国家庭药物滥用调查,该调查在20世纪70年代初开始使用一种新的衡量标准,其中包括一个关于“上个月”药物使用的问题。书中还讲述了由胆大心狠的哥伦比亚毒贩提供的可卡因如何以前所未有的方式占领了美国,并引用了《新闻周刊》(Newsweek)等杂志将可卡因描述为美国中产阶级瘾君子的地位象征。这一章讲述了罗纳德·里根是如何更进一步地建立了一个新的机构——药物滥用政策办公室,该办公室后来成为白宫的国家药物控制政策办公室。它解释了管道行动,该行动升级了“借口交通拦截”和“同意搜索”,以利用同意来搜索毒品。
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引用次数: 0
Cannabis 大麻
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.12987/yale/9780300240344.003.0006
Russell Crandall
This chapter considers psychoactive cannabis as the most popular illicit drug in the United States. It explains how the consumption of cannabis has become a prevalent, mainstream practice that users are apt to forget they are committing a criminal act every time they smoke a joint. It also points out that cannabis is a resilient and adaptable botanical that thrives in all sorts of climates, sprouting serrated, diagonally veined leaves that spread like the fingers of an open hand. The chapter clarifies cannabis as one of humanity's most ancient crops that is native to Central Asia as it has been cultivated by humans since the “dawn of agriculture” some ten thousand years ago. It talks about the first medicinal application of cannabis that dated as far back as 4500 B.C.E. in China and the first written reference to medicinal cannabis that was recorded in the Pen Ts'ao Ching, the pharmacopeia of Emperor Shen Nung in 2700 B.C.E.
本章认为精神活性大麻是美国最流行的非法药物。它解释了吸食大麻是如何成为一种普遍的主流行为,以至于吸食大麻的人很容易忘记他们每次吸食大麻时都在犯犯罪行为。它还指出,大麻是一种具有弹性和适应性的植物,在各种气候条件下都能茁壮成长,长出锯齿状、斜纹状的叶子,像张开的手的手指一样伸展开来。这一章阐明了大麻是人类最古老的作物之一,原产于中亚,自大约一万年前的“农业曙光”以来,人类就开始种植大麻。书中提到,早在公元前4500年,中国就有了大麻的第一次药用,公元前2700年神农皇帝的药典《盆子经》中就有了大麻的第一次书面记载
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引用次数: 0
Plan Colombia 哥伦比亚计划
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.12987/yale/9780300240344.003.0015
R. Crandall
This chapter begins with the American and Colombian anti-drug officials that celebrated Pablo Escobar's “decapitation,” as proof that the kingpin strategy was on its way to eradicating cocaine trafficking in Colombia. It mentions that Medellín's drug bosses met to discuss in the neighborhood of Envigado after Escobar's death, from which emerged the so-called Envigado Office lead by Don Berna. It also describes Don Berna as a formidable Medellín drug trafficker and a former member of the Marxist Popular Liberation Army. The chapter refers to the Cali cartel, an association of four billionaires who managed a worldwide cocaine monopoly, controlling everything from production in Peru and Colombia to sales in the suburbs and cities in the United States and around the globe. It emphasizes how the “decapitations” of the Medellín and Cali cartel's atomized cocaine production and trafficking into smaller entities that were much harder to track and interdict, proving that the kingpin strategy was working.
这一章从美国和哥伦比亚禁毒官员庆祝巴勃罗·埃斯科瓦尔的“斩首”开始,以此作为铲除哥伦比亚可卡因走私的大头目战略的证据。书中提到,在埃斯科瓦尔死后,Medellín的毒枭们在恩维加多附近开会讨论,由此产生了由唐·伯纳领导的所谓恩维加多办公室。它还将Don Berna描述为一个可怕的Medellín毒品贩子和马克思主义人民解放军的前成员。这一章提到了卡利卡特尔(Cali cartel),这是一个由四位亿万富翁组成的组织,他们管理着全球可卡因的垄断,控制着从秘鲁和哥伦比亚的生产到美国和全球各地郊区和城市的销售。它强调了Medellín和卡利卡特尔的“斩首”如何将可卡因的生产和贩运分散到更小的实体中,这些实体更难追踪和拦截,证明了核心战略是有效的。
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引用次数: 0
Bolivian Backlash 玻利维亚的反弹
Pub Date : 2020-10-27 DOI: 10.2307/j.ctv177tk3n.20
R. Crandall
This chapter provides an overview of Bolivia's age-old social and political instability that had been on full display in the years leading up to the ascendancy of Evo Morales. It talks about Morales, an indigenous Bolivian who had risen to power in 2005 and was best-known to Americans for his efforts to modify the country's long-standing anti-drug programs. It also mentions how U.S. ambassador Manuel Rocha told the Bolivians that the United States would have to reconsider its sizable counternarcotics assistance if the Bolivians elected a candidate who was soft on the drug question. The chapter recalls that the global demand for cocaine in the early 1980s sparked a massive spike in cultivation, particularly in Chapare, a region straddling the area between La Paz and the eastern city of Santa Cruz. It looks at Washington's response to Bolivia's coca boom in the late 1980s that pressured successive governments to implement rigorous anti-drug programs.
本章概述了玻利维亚长期以来的社会和政治不稳定,这种不稳定在埃沃·莫拉莱斯上台之前的几年里得到了充分的体现。影片讲述的是玻利维亚土著居民莫拉莱斯,他于2005年上台,因努力修改该国长期存在的禁毒计划而为美国人所熟知。它还提到美国大使Manuel Rocha如何告诉玻利维亚人,如果玻利维亚人选出一位在毒品问题上软弱的候选人,美国将不得不重新考虑其规模可观的禁毒援助。该章节回顾了20世纪80年代初全球对可卡因的需求引发了种植的大规模激增,特别是在横跨拉巴斯和东部城市圣克鲁斯之间的查帕雷地区。它着眼于华盛顿在20世纪80年代末对玻利维亚古柯繁荣的反应,迫使历届政府实施严格的禁毒计划。
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引用次数: 0
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Drugs and Thugs
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