Decades ago, Armenia and Azerbaijan, two countries in the South Caucasus region, had disagreements over a territorial dispute called Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1921, the Government of the Soviet Union annexed the predominantly ethnic Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh into Azerbaijan. However, after the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Armenian separatists seized Nagorno-Karabakh in an incident backed by the Armenian Government. Azerbaijan showed its distaste for this treatment, resulting in fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia, where around 30,000 people died. Before 2020, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict could be frozen due to strenuous peace efforts even though various parties had intervened to find the best solution. Until November 10, 2020, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed to sign an agreement to stop the fighting that had been taking place in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The ceasefire was signed after Azerbaijani military forces managed to control most of Nagorno-Karabakh. This study uses an offensive realism paradigm to analyze Azerbaijan's strategy to win the conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region with Armenia in 2020. The results revealed that Azerbaijan developed beneficial diplomatic relations with Turkey, Israel and Russia. These countries later assisted. One of them was the assistance of military equipment which enabled Azerbaijan to win the war against Armenia.
{"title":"Azerbaijan's Strategy to Win the Conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh Territory with Armenia in 2020","authors":"Maretha Syawallin Umarach, Ali Muhammad","doi":"10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.49","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.49","url":null,"abstract":"Decades ago, Armenia and Azerbaijan, two countries in the South Caucasus region, had disagreements over a territorial dispute called Nagorno-Karabakh. In 1921, the Government of the Soviet Union annexed the predominantly ethnic Armenian Nagorno-Karabakh into Azerbaijan. However, after the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, Armenian separatists seized Nagorno-Karabakh in an incident backed by the Armenian Government. Azerbaijan showed its distaste for this treatment, resulting in fighting between Azerbaijan and Armenia, where around 30,000 people died. Before 2020, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict could be frozen due to strenuous peace efforts even though various parties had intervened to find the best solution. Until November 10, 2020, Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev, Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, and Russian President Vladimir Putin agreed to sign an agreement to stop the fighting that had been taking place in the Nagorno-Karabakh region. The ceasefire was signed after Azerbaijani military forces managed to control most of Nagorno-Karabakh. This study uses an offensive realism paradigm to analyze Azerbaijan's strategy to win the conflict over the Nagorno-Karabakh region with Armenia in 2020. The results revealed that Azerbaijan developed beneficial diplomatic relations with Turkey, Israel and Russia. These countries later assisted. One of them was the assistance of military equipment which enabled Azerbaijan to win the war against Armenia.","PeriodicalId":113411,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Islamic World and Politics","volume":"152 1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131264898","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Indonesia is a maritime country with an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) covering an area of 7.81 million square kilometers. Consequently, Indonesia has numerous disputes with neighboring countries regarding maritime boundaries in the EEZ, particularly with Australia. Several incidents have strained the relationship between the two countries. For example, from December 2013 to January 2014, there were six instances of the Australian Navy unintentionally violating Indonesian waters during border operations. Other issues include illegal fishing, human trafficking, illegal transshipment, and, more recently, an Australian warship's breach of Indonesian waters on September 8, 2022. Maritime boundary disputes occur when two or more countries have overlapping claims in the same maritime territory. These disputes can be caused by differences in the interpretation of international law, conflicting economic interests, historical or cultural claims, or geopolitical tensions between the involved nations. Maritime boundary disputes can be resolved through negotiations, international arbitration, mediation, or legal processes. In this case, the neorealism theory, developed by Stephen M. Walt, provides an understanding of international relations, changes in power structures, conflicts, cooperation among nations, and the factors influencing foreign policies. By applying Stephen M. Walt's neorealism theory, this study analyzes the policy frameworks of Indonesia and Australia in managing their international relations and the factors that have led to the disputes between the two.
{"title":"Policy on Maritime Border Disputes Between Indonesia and Australia: Stephen M. Walt’s Neorealism Perspective","authors":"Nadia Saidah Rahayu, Najma Imtinan Rasaf, Ghana Aldila Septiani, Penny Respati Yurisa","doi":"10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.8","url":null,"abstract":"Indonesia is a maritime country with an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) covering an area of 7.81 million square kilometers. Consequently, Indonesia has numerous disputes with neighboring countries regarding maritime boundaries in the EEZ, particularly with Australia. Several incidents have strained the relationship between the two countries. For example, from December 2013 to January 2014, there were six instances of the Australian Navy unintentionally violating Indonesian waters during border operations. Other issues include illegal fishing, human trafficking, illegal transshipment, and, more recently, an Australian warship's breach of Indonesian waters on September 8, 2022. Maritime boundary disputes occur when two or more countries have overlapping claims in the same maritime territory. These disputes can be caused by differences in the interpretation of international law, conflicting economic interests, historical or cultural claims, or geopolitical tensions between the involved nations. Maritime boundary disputes can be resolved through negotiations, international arbitration, mediation, or legal processes. In this case, the neorealism theory, developed by Stephen M. Walt, provides an understanding of international relations, changes in power structures, conflicts, cooperation among nations, and the factors influencing foreign policies. By applying Stephen M. Walt's neorealism theory, this study analyzes the policy frameworks of Indonesia and Australia in managing their international relations and the factors that have led to the disputes between the two.","PeriodicalId":113411,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Islamic World and Politics","volume":"11 2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126073522","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
On the morning of February 24, 2022, when the Russian military entered Ukraine and launched air and missile raids on the targets it detected in the depths of this country, a war started in the east of Europe. As a result of the war between two of the world’s largest grain producers, a global grain crisis is taking place. Turkey has long sought to emphasize connectivity and strengthen its strategic position at the intercontinental crossroads between Europe and Asia. Functionally, Turkey serves as a vital transit corridor for key resources such as energy and food supplies, which becomes even more important given the economic and trade disruptions of Russia’s war in Ukraine. This study analyzed Turkey’s diplomatic efforts and policies during the war and the food deal process.
{"title":"Grain Corridor Agreement and Turkey’s Role in the Russia-Ukraine War","authors":"H. Ay, Adnan Söylemez","doi":"10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.27","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.27","url":null,"abstract":"On the morning of February 24, 2022, when the Russian military entered Ukraine and launched air and missile raids on the targets it detected in the depths of this country, a war started in the east of Europe. As a result of the war between two of the world’s largest grain producers, a global grain crisis is taking place. Turkey has long sought to emphasize connectivity and strengthen its strategic position at the intercontinental crossroads between Europe and Asia. Functionally, Turkey serves as a vital transit corridor for key resources such as energy and food supplies, which becomes even more important given the economic and trade disruptions of Russia’s war in Ukraine. This study analyzed Turkey’s diplomatic efforts and policies during the war and the food deal process.","PeriodicalId":113411,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Islamic World and Politics","volume":"38 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"123562083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The AUKUS Trilateral Security Pact is a form of collective security cooperation, and this study examines its effects on South Pacific regional security. To stabilize regional security in the South Pacific, which is a main target of China’s maritime ambitions, the authors emphasize the urgency of AUKUS’s presence. To shed light on the issue, the authors used the collective security concept to dissect the framework of cooperation, the motives of AUKUS, and the Security Dilemma concept to explain how geopolitical shifts affect the security stability of the South Pacific. This research employed qualitative methods with an explanatory type of research. In this type of research, the formulated hypothesis was tested to see how the variables under study affected one another. According to this research’s findings, AUKUS’s approach to military confrontation as a partnership for collective security actually encourages an aggressive coalition and poses a security risk, thereby increasing the likelihood of further conflict in the South Pacific region.
{"title":"The Impact of the Aukus Trilateral Security Pact on South Pacific Regional Security","authors":"Yulia Rimapradesi, Bagaskara Sagita Wijaya, Zulfa Karima","doi":"10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.16","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.16","url":null,"abstract":"The AUKUS Trilateral Security Pact is a form of collective security cooperation, and this study examines its effects on South Pacific regional security. To stabilize regional security in the South Pacific, which is a main target of China’s maritime ambitions, the authors emphasize the urgency of AUKUS’s presence. To shed light on the issue, the authors used the collective security concept to dissect the framework of cooperation, the motives of AUKUS, and the Security Dilemma concept to explain how geopolitical shifts affect the security stability of the South Pacific. This research employed qualitative methods with an explanatory type of research. In this type of research, the formulated hypothesis was tested to see how the variables under study affected one another. According to this research’s findings, AUKUS’s approach to military confrontation as a partnership for collective security actually encourages an aggressive coalition and poses a security risk, thereby increasing the likelihood of further conflict in the South Pacific region.","PeriodicalId":113411,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Islamic World and Politics","volume":"2 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"132856175","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the extent to which President Joe Biden's speech before the 77th session of the UN General Assembly reflects US foreign policy towards Russia and Ukraine. The sample of this study was sourced from manuscripts of President Joe Biden's speeches obtained through the official US state website (www.whitehouse.com), which were then elaborated with referential sources, such as website articles, online news, and journal articles accessed via Scopus and Google Scholar. The study used Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to analyze President Biden's speech, delivered on September 21, 2022. The speech was transcribed and analyzed utilizing the VOS Viewer and NVivo 12 Plus applications. The findings revealed that President Biden's speech emphasized the importance of the sovereign equality principle and criticized the inconsistent use of the Veto Right by Russia and the US in the UN Security Council. The speech also discouraged Russophobia and implied a willingness to engage in diplomatic negotiations with Russia. This research contributes to the literature on US foreign policy towards Russia and Ukraine by providing a detailed analysis of President Biden's speech. The findings suggest that the US is committed to upholding the sovereign equality principle and engaging in constructive diplomacy with Russia.
{"title":"Critical Discourse Analysis of President Joe Biden’s Russophobia Rhetorical Remarks Before The 77th United Nations General Assembly","authors":"Hilman Mahmud Akmal Ma'arif, A. Maksum","doi":"10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.29","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.29","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the extent to which President Joe Biden's speech before the 77th session of the UN General Assembly reflects US foreign policy towards Russia and Ukraine. The sample of this study was sourced from manuscripts of President Joe Biden's speeches obtained through the official US state website (www.whitehouse.com), which were then elaborated with referential sources, such as website articles, online news, and journal articles accessed via Scopus and Google Scholar. The study used Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) to analyze President Biden's speech, delivered on September 21, 2022. The speech was transcribed and analyzed utilizing the VOS Viewer and NVivo 12 Plus applications. The findings revealed that President Biden's speech emphasized the importance of the sovereign equality principle and criticized the inconsistent use of the Veto Right by Russia and the US in the UN Security Council. The speech also discouraged Russophobia and implied a willingness to engage in diplomatic negotiations with Russia. This research contributes to the literature on US foreign policy towards Russia and Ukraine by providing a detailed analysis of President Biden's speech. The findings suggest that the US is committed to upholding the sovereign equality principle and engaging in constructive diplomacy with Russia.","PeriodicalId":113411,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Islamic World and Politics","volume":"94 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114025686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In light of surging demands for critical minerals and its rising profile as a global provider, China can no longer dismiss the negative ecological externalities resulting from its unregulated, near-monopoly production of rare earth elements (REE) since the 1970s. REE, consisting of 17 elements with naturally enhanced chemical properties, is critical for manufacturing future green infrastructures and technologies. However, the extraction and refining processes are resource-intensive and toxic to the immediate environment, further exacerbated by improper radioactive waste management, underfunded land restoration, and illegal mining. By extension, China’s supply supremacy came at the cost of socio-ecological deprivation disproportionately experienced by the local community compared to the beneficiary beyond borders. This study aims to assess the challenges and opportunities for China as they seek global leadership in green governance through its post-reform sustainable development model guided by Ecological Civilization (EC) principle. Using narrative analysis methods, we seek to assess the intersection among three threads: the historical account of China’s REE global dominance, their elite-based approach to governance, and the unmitigated socio-ecological impacts on the local community; regarding EC and its derivatives. While domestic consolidation is strategically integral to China’s EC-guided development agenda, it poses dormant risks of supply volatility for international markets, and innovative secondary production becomes the new source of competitive edge for supply diversification and norm-making power.
{"title":"China's Path towards Global Green Governance on Rare Earth Elements: Challenges and Opportunities","authors":"Joshua Gerry Mangkubudi, Triesanto Romulo Simanjuntak","doi":"10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.26","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.26","url":null,"abstract":"In light of surging demands for critical minerals and its rising profile as a global provider, China can no longer dismiss the negative ecological externalities resulting from its unregulated, near-monopoly production of rare earth elements (REE) since the 1970s. REE, consisting of 17 elements with naturally enhanced chemical properties, is critical for manufacturing future green infrastructures and technologies. However, the extraction and refining processes are resource-intensive and toxic to the immediate environment, further exacerbated by improper radioactive waste management, underfunded land restoration, and illegal mining. By extension, China’s supply supremacy came at the cost of socio-ecological deprivation disproportionately experienced by the local community compared to the beneficiary beyond borders. This study aims to assess the challenges and opportunities for China as they seek global leadership in green governance through its post-reform sustainable development model guided by Ecological Civilization (EC) principle. Using narrative analysis methods, we seek to assess the intersection among three threads: the historical account of China’s REE global dominance, their elite-based approach to governance, and the unmitigated socio-ecological impacts on the local community; regarding EC and its derivatives. While domestic consolidation is strategically integral to China’s EC-guided development agenda, it poses dormant risks of supply volatility for international markets, and innovative secondary production becomes the new source of competitive edge for supply diversification and norm-making power.","PeriodicalId":113411,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Islamic World and Politics","volume":"26 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"114986779","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study aims to discuss how the European Union and Turkey deal with the Syrian refugee crisis. The research method used in this study was a systematic literature review using 504 scientific articles sourced from the Scopus database. In reviewing the articles, the authors used the Vosviewer application. The results revealed that Syrian refugees were accommodated correctly and facilitated properly and contributed to the problem by providing insight into digital literacy, information needs, and strategies among Syrian and Iraqi refugees entering Europe and changing perspectives on migrants and refugees as passive victims of this event made to make Syrian refugee decisions to stay in Germany, in an econometric strategy based on estimating models of equality in social unity, economic integration and the decision to stay. The results contribute to developing a research roadmap on the Syrian internecine crisis in Turkey and the European Union and contribute to international relations science. Turkey and the European Union. Subsequent research must use scientific articles from other reputable international databases, such as Web of Science and Dimensions Scholars.
本研究旨在探讨欧盟和土耳其如何应对叙利亚难民危机。本研究采用的研究方法是系统的文献综述，使用来自Scopus数据库的504篇科学论文。在审阅文章时，作者使用了Vosviewer应用程序。结果显示，叙利亚难民得到了正确的安置和便利，并通过深入了解进入欧洲的叙利亚和伊拉克难民的数字素养、信息需求和策略，以及改变对移民和难民作为这一事件的被动受害者的看法，从而使叙利亚难民决定留在德国，从而促进了问题的解决，这是基于社会团结平等估计模型的计量经济学策略。经济一体化和留下的决定。研究结果有助于制定土耳其和欧盟叙利亚内战危机的研究路线图，并为国际关系科学做出贡献。土耳其和欧盟。后续研究必须使用来自其他知名国际数据库的科学文章，如Web of Science和Dimensions Scholars。
{"title":"Middle East Refugee Crisis in Europe and Turkey : A Systematic Literature Review","authors":"Felicia Nabila Putri, Salahuddin, Syamsul Rizal, Gonda Yumitro","doi":"10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.10","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.10","url":null,"abstract":"This study aims to discuss how the European Union and Turkey deal with the Syrian refugee crisis. The research method used in this study was a systematic literature review using 504 scientific articles sourced from the Scopus database. In reviewing the articles, the authors used the Vosviewer application. The results revealed that Syrian refugees were accommodated correctly and facilitated properly and contributed to the problem by providing insight into digital literacy, information needs, and strategies among Syrian and Iraqi refugees entering Europe and changing perspectives on migrants and refugees as passive victims of this event made to make Syrian refugee decisions to stay in Germany, in an econometric strategy based on estimating models of equality in social unity, economic integration and the decision to stay. The results contribute to developing a research roadmap on the Syrian internecine crisis in Turkey and the European Union and contribute to international relations science. Turkey and the European Union. Subsequent research must use scientific articles from other reputable international databases, such as Web of Science and Dimensions Scholars.","PeriodicalId":113411,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Islamic World and Politics","volume":"6 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"126559190","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) play a crucial role in promoting stability and trust between India and Pakistan. This article, therefore, examines the different domains of CBMs, including political, military, economic, people-to-people, and nuclear, and highlights their significance in reducing tensions and fostering cooperation. Various examples of CBMs, such as hotlines between military authorities, cultural exchanges, economic cooperation, and religious pilgrimages, are explored to showcase their positive impact on communication and understanding. The paper also discusses the prospects and recommendations for CBMs, emphasizing sustained dialogue, economic cooperation, strengthened military CBMs, and exploring non-traditional security dimensions. By prioritizing CBMs, India and Pakistan can create a more stable and peaceful environment, paving the way for conflict resolution and long-term peace in the region. It is important to note that the study is completely based on secondary data; no primary research or data collection was conducted for this specific study.
{"title":"Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) between India and Pakistan","authors":"Younis Ahmad Sheikh","doi":"10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.46","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v7i1.46","url":null,"abstract":"Confidence Building Measures (CBMs) play a crucial role in promoting stability and trust between India and Pakistan. This article, therefore, examines the different domains of CBMs, including political, military, economic, people-to-people, and nuclear, and highlights their significance in reducing tensions and fostering cooperation. Various examples of CBMs, such as hotlines between military authorities, cultural exchanges, economic cooperation, and religious pilgrimages, are explored to showcase their positive impact on communication and understanding. The paper also discusses the prospects and recommendations for CBMs, emphasizing sustained dialogue, economic cooperation, strengthened military CBMs, and exploring non-traditional security dimensions. By prioritizing CBMs, India and Pakistan can create a more stable and peaceful environment, paving the way for conflict resolution and long-term peace in the region. It is important to note that the study is completely based on secondary data; no primary research or data collection was conducted for this specific study.","PeriodicalId":113411,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Islamic World and Politics","volume":"237 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-06-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"131740134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-29DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16165
Encep Dul Wahab, Darajat Wibawa, Enjang Muhaemin, D. Astuti
The media always try their best to represent reality for their audiences, with the hope of retaining readers and increasing company revenues. However, in depicting the reality of religious conflict, the media often contradicts the norms, ethics, and code of ethics of journalism itself. The purpose of this study was to determine the representation of religious conflict in local media, namely the Ahmadiyah conflict in West Java, which was published in the Pikiran Rakyat in news coverage from 2010 to 2011. This study used Teun A. van Dijk's critical discourse analysis method. The results of the study show that Pikiran Rakyat represents the Ahmadiyah conflict in various ways, including dividing the object of its reporting into two camps, strong and weak, by branding Ahmadiyah as a deviant, banned, and disbanded organization. The strong side is an organization supported by the government, and the weak side is Ahmadiyah, which does not receive government protection and support. Pikiran Rakyat presents news sources in this religious conflict in an unfair and balanced manner, presenting more news sources from the majority than Ahmadiyah as a minority. Pikiran Rakyat also represents ways of resolving the Ahmadiyah conflict.
媒体总是尽最大努力为观众呈现现实，希望留住读者，增加公司收入。然而，在描述宗教冲突的现实时，媒体往往与新闻本身的规范、伦理和道德准则相矛盾。本研究的目的是确定宗教冲突在当地媒体中的代表性，即2010年至2011年在《人民日报》(Pikiran Rakyat)的新闻报道中发表的西爪哇的艾哈迈迪亚教派冲突。本研究采用了Teun A. van Dijk的批评话语分析方法。研究结果显示，Pikiran Rakyat以各种方式呈现Ahmadiyah冲突，包括将其报道对象分为强弱两大阵营，将Ahmadiyah定性为异端、被禁和被解散的组织。强势的一方是政府支持的组织，弱势的一方是得不到政府保护和支持的艾哈迈迪耶。人民日报以不公平和平衡的方式呈现这场宗教冲突的新闻来源，呈现更多来自多数派的新闻来源，而不是少数派的艾哈迈迪亚派。人民团结大会也代表了解决艾哈迈迪亚教派冲突的途径。
{"title":"Representation of Religious Conflict in Local Media","authors":"Encep Dul Wahab, Darajat Wibawa, Enjang Muhaemin, D. Astuti","doi":"10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16165","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16165","url":null,"abstract":"The media always try their best to represent reality for their audiences, with the hope of retaining readers and increasing company revenues. However, in depicting the reality of religious conflict, the media often contradicts the norms, ethics, and code of ethics of journalism itself. The purpose of this study was to determine the representation of religious conflict in local media, namely the Ahmadiyah conflict in West Java, which was published in the Pikiran Rakyat in news coverage from 2010 to 2011. This study used Teun A. van Dijk's critical discourse analysis method. The results of the study show that Pikiran Rakyat represents the Ahmadiyah conflict in various ways, including dividing the object of its reporting into two camps, strong and weak, by branding Ahmadiyah as a deviant, banned, and disbanded organization. The strong side is an organization supported by the government, and the weak side is Ahmadiyah, which does not receive government protection and support. Pikiran Rakyat presents news sources in this religious conflict in an unfair and balanced manner, presenting more news sources from the majority than Ahmadiyah as a minority. Pikiran Rakyat also represents ways of resolving the Ahmadiyah conflict.","PeriodicalId":113411,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Islamic World and Politics","volume":"55 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2022-12-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"129082267","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2022-12-29DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16115
Political memes colored the 2019 Indonesian presidential election campaign on social media. Political memes have become one of the propaganda strategies to influence public opinion to gain political support from the public before the presidential election. This study aims to analyze and understand political memes as a medium of political propaganda in the 2019 Indonesian presidential election. This study uses critical discourse analysis to uncover the meaning behind the text. The data collection technique uses documentation in the form of political memes of the two presidential candidates, both in images and political symbols scattered on social media in the January – March 2019 period. Furthermore, the data will be analyzed using Fairclough's critical discourse analysis model to find out the meaning of the text. This study indicates that social media plays an essential role in political communication in the 2019 presidential election campaign. Social media is a cheap and fast means of spreading political memes that reach potential voters widely and massively. Through political memes, Joko Widodo often talks about having links with the Indonesian Communist Party. Meanwhile, Prabowo Subianto is often spoken of by his political opponents as a supporter of the caliphate in Indonesia. These political memes are used as political propaganda to construct or deconstruct political presidential candidates' discourse and build or damage the reputation of presidential candidates to influence public opinion.
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