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Turkey’s Reasons to Normalize Diplomatic Relations with Israel in 2021 土耳其在2021年与以色列实现外交关系正常化的理由
Pub Date : 2022-12-29 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16304
Isyfa Zahrotul Mufidah, Haryo Prasodjo, Najamuddin Khairur Rijal, Havidz Ageng Prakoso
This article discusses the reasons for Turkey's normalization with Israel in 2021. Diplomatic relations between the two sides have been established for more than 70 years since the state of Israel was founded, although the dynamics of their relationship have experienced ups and downs. This study is qualitative research in which the analysis of this phenomenon is taken from news reference sources, articles, reports and documents, using the theory of Foreign Policy Analysis by Valerie M.Hudson. The results of this analysis show that three important aspects make Turkey carry out normalization with Israel, first from an economic perspective which is the main aspect of normalization, second from a political aspect and finally from a security or military perspective. Israel has become Turkey's strategic partner even though as an Islamic country that carries out normalization with the Jewish state, this is a strategy that Turkey wants to build, because this policy it is the foundation for achieving national interests. 
本文讨论了土耳其在2021年与以色列实现正常化的原因。自以色列建国以来,双方已经建立了70多年的外交关系,尽管两国关系的动态经历了起伏。本研究是定性研究,利用Valerie M.Hudson的外交政策分析理论,从新闻参考来源、文章、报告和文件中对这一现象进行分析。分析结果表明,有三个重要方面促使土耳其与以色列实现正常化,首先是经济方面,这是正常化的主要方面,其次是政治方面,最后是安全或军事方面。以色列已经成为土耳其的战略伙伴,尽管作为一个与犹太国家实现正常化的伊斯兰国家,这是土耳其想要建立的战略,因为这一政策是实现国家利益的基础。
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引用次数: 0
Japan’s Strategy on Managing Territorial Disputes of Senkaku Islands 日本处理尖阁列岛领土争端的战略
Pub Date : 2022-12-27 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16769
Essa Rahmadhani Dirha Kirana, Rafyoga Jehan Pratama Irsadanar
The purpose of this study is to clarify and provide new information regarding the Japanese approach to handling territorial issues involving the Senkaku Islands. By applying the Negotiation and Mediation theory by Dean G. Pruitt and Peter J. Carnevale to evaluate and further explain the types of negotiations between Japan and China to resolve the territorial issues of the Senkaku Islands, it will explain the process of Japan's strategy for doing so. The study discovered that both countries went through several dynamics in their negotiating process using the Negotiation and Mediation theory. To identify the best way to develop a solution, Japan and China used two strategies: the first was the contesting strategy, which took place at the start of the negotiating process, and the second was the yielding or concession strategy. Finally, carry out the problem-solving plan whereby both parties agreed to host a Joint Development to put an end to the territorial disputes over the Senkaku Islands.
这项研究的目的是澄清和提供有关日本处理涉及尖阁列岛的领土问题的方法的新信息。运用普鲁伊特(Dean G. Pruitt)和卡内瓦莱(Peter J. Carnevale)的谈判与调解理论,对中日两国解决尖阁列岛领土问题的谈判类型进行评价和进一步解释,从而解释日本解决尖阁列岛领土问题的战略过程。研究发现,在谈判与调解理论的指导下,两国在谈判过程中都经历了几个动态过程。为了找出解决方案的最佳途径,日本和中国采用了两种策略:第一种是在谈判过程开始时采取的竞争策略,第二种是让步或让步策略。最后,为解决尖阁列岛领土争端,落实双方商定的共同开发(Joint Development)解决方案。
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引用次数: 0
Islamophobia and Misconception : A Systematic Literature Review 伊斯兰恐惧症和误解:系统的文献综述
Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16771
Cepi Novia Tristantri, M. Zahidi, S. Salahudin
This research aims to determine the development of the phenomenon of Islamophobia and misconceptions about Islam and Muslims that occur in the world. The research method used is a systematic literature review (SLR) using 580 scientific journal articles from the Scopus database. The article analysis uses RIS Scopus data which is visualized using the Vos Viewer application to determine the co-occurrence of the article data obtained. From the analysis carried out, the results reveal that the study of Islamophobia and Misconceptions has long been a concern of scholars/researchers. This is evidenced by the many relevant topics and sub-themes that exist. This study also concludes that the phenomenon of tidal Islamophobia is following the dynamics of events that occur. The results of this research contribute to describing the magnitude of Islamophobia against Islam and Muslims in the world. This research also contributes as a reminder to the world of the importance of maintaining peace and tolerance. The drawback of this research is that the articles used as authorship references are only sourced from the Scopus database. So that the results presented in this scientific article are not able to fully describe Islamophobia and its misconceptions that occur in the world. From this lack of scientific article writing, it is hoped that further research can use scientific articles sourced from databases of other accredited international journals, such as Web of Science (WoS), Thomson Reuters, Elsevier, and Springer.
本研究旨在确定世界上发生的伊斯兰恐惧症现象的发展和对伊斯兰教和穆斯林的误解。使用的研究方法是系统文献综述(SLR),使用来自Scopus数据库的580篇科学期刊文章。文章分析使用RIS Scopus数据,该数据使用Vos Viewer应用程序进行可视化,以确定所获得的文章数据的共现性。从分析结果来看,对伊斯兰恐惧症和误解的研究一直是学者/研究者关注的问题。存在的许多相关主题和分主题证明了这一点。这项研究还得出结论,潮水般的伊斯兰恐惧症现象是随着发生的事件的动态而发生的。这项研究的结果有助于描述世界上对伊斯兰教和穆斯林的伊斯兰恐惧症的严重程度。这项研究也有助于提醒世界维护和平与宽容的重要性。这项研究的缺点是,作为作者引用的文章仅来自Scopus数据库。因此,这篇科学文章中的结果并不能完全描述世界上发生的伊斯兰恐惧症及其误解。由于缺乏科学文章写作,希望进一步的研究可以使用来自其他认可的国际期刊数据库的科学文章,如Web of Science (WoS)、Thomson Reuters、Elsevier和Springer。
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引用次数: 0
The Political Economy of the US-China Cybersecurity Relations and Trade War Under the Trump Administration 特朗普政府下中美网络安全关系与贸易战的政治经济学
Pub Date : 2022-11-29 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.15971
M. Huda, Faris Al - Fadhat
This article examines the cybersecurity relations between China and the US under the Trump administration. It explores the changes in the US cybersecurity policy in 2019, where the US government took a protectionist approach to ban the operation of China’s software and hardware in the US, and how such a decision predisposes the trade war between the two countries, which President Trump previously started. Appling the political economy approach of the cybersecurity concept, this research argues that the protectionist cybersecurity policy by the Trump administration was driven by the US business interest followed by security concern to lead the global technological transformation, balance the international economy, and preserve the US citizen’s big data.  Such policy, nevertheless, has intensified the trade war between the US and China, specifically in the technology and big data sectors. This study contributes to the broader literature on cybersecurity that has been much discussed in recent years.
本文考察了特朗普政府下的中美网络安全关系。它探讨了2019年美国网络安全政策的变化,美国政府采取了保护主义的方式,禁止中国的软件和硬件在美国运营,以及这一决定如何使特朗普总统之前挑起的两国贸易战成为可能。本研究运用网络安全概念的政治经济学方法,认为特朗普政府的保护主义网络安全政策是由美国商业利益驱动的,其次是安全考虑,以引领全球技术变革,平衡国际经济,保护美国公民的大数据。然而,这样的政策加剧了中美之间的贸易战,尤其是在科技和大数据领域。这项研究为近年来广泛讨论的网络安全文献做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
THE ROLE OF PARADIPLOMACY AND THE POTENTIAL PROTO-DIPLOMACY IN THE UNITARY STATE 单一国家中准外交的作用与潜在的原外交
Pub Date : 2022-11-29 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.15677
Laode Muhammad Fathun
This article aims to explain the study of paradiplomacy in the unitary state. With the case study of Indonesia, the author explains the role of paradiplomacy and the potential of proto-diplomacy in a unitary state like Indonesia. This article uses a qualitative method with a case study method with research data sources, journal articles, books, reports and other relevant sources. The results found that the role of paradiplomacy in Indonesia is still conservative because it still follows the boundaries that have been set. Post-reform the role of paradiplomacy is very stretched, especially in big cities such as Jakarta, Bandung, Surabaya, which already have strategic partners abroad. This role opens up opportunities for cooperation in economic, social, cultural, educational and other fields that are needed by para-diplomacy. The role of paradiplomacy has been stated in various regulations as the basic foundation for moving in search of strategic partners abroad. Although it has a positive impact, it turns out that there is potential for proto-diplomacy in Indonesia. This is especially the case for areas that have a history of popular movement for regional independence. This movement has the potential to lead to disintegration. However, it can be muted if each party can reduce ego and commitment to build together.
本文的目的是对单一制国家的副外交研究进行解释。本文以印尼为例,阐述了准外交的作用,以及在印尼这样的单一制国家中,原外交的潜力。本文采用定性方法和案例研究方法,结合研究数据源、期刊文章、书籍、报告和其他相关来源。结果发现,在印度尼西亚,副外交的作用仍然是保守的,因为它仍然遵循已经设定的边界。改革后,辅助外交的作用非常广泛,特别是在雅加达、万隆、泗水等大城市,这些城市已经在国外有战略合作伙伴。这一作用为准外交所需要的经济、社会、文化、教育和其他领域的合作开辟了机会。在各种规章中都指出了辅助外交的作用,它是在国外寻找战略伙伴的基本基础。尽管它产生了积极的影响,但事实证明,在印度尼西亚,存在着原型外交的潜力。对于那些有争取地区独立的群众运动历史的地区来说,情况尤其如此。这一运动有可能导致分裂。然而,如果每一方都能减少自我和共同建设的承诺,它就可以被平息。
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引用次数: 0
Constructivism Explained Malaysia’s Ratification Withdrawal of International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) in 2018 建构主义解释马来西亚2018年批准退出《消除一切形式种族歧视国际公约》(ICERD)
Pub Date : 2022-11-04 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.16609
Alen Tiara, S. Surwandono
Malaysia is one of two Muslim-majority countries in the world that have not ratified ICERD. ICERD is part of the Convention on Human Rights, which obliges each country to eliminate all forms of racial discrimination. After 61 years of Barisan Nasional (BN) in power, Malaysia won the concept of 'New Malaysia' under the new authority of Pakatan Harapan (PH) in the 14th election. PM Mahathir Mohamad followed up on 'New Malaysia' by conveying the discourse on ICERD ratification at the 73rd UN General Assembly. The discourse was canceled in November 2018 after massive resistance from the BN opposition and Muslim-Malay unity. The cancellation of ratification can be explained through constructivism regarding the interests of maintaining economic, social, and political security for Malay-Muslim, which is based on the identity of the Malayan leadership during state formation of Malaysia. 
马来西亚是世界上两个没有批准ICERD的穆斯林占多数的国家之一。《消除种族歧视国际公约》是《人权公约》的一部分,该公约要求每个国家消除一切形式的种族歧视。在国阵执政61年后,马来西亚在第14届大选中赢得了希望联盟(PH)新权威下的“新马来西亚”概念。总理马哈蒂尔·穆罕默德在第73届联合国大会上发表了关于“新马来西亚”的讲话。该演讲在2018年11月遭到国阵反对党和穆斯林马来人团结的大规模抵制后被取消。取消批准可以通过关于维护马来穆斯林的经济,社会和政治安全利益的建构主义来解释,这是基于马来西亚国家形成期间马来亚领导层的身份。
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引用次数: 0
Trump’s Securitization of US against Aliens and Immigrants Case Study: Latin Migrants 特朗普针对外国人和移民的美国证券化案例研究:拉丁移民
Pub Date : 2022-11-04 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.13801
This paper examines Trump’s securitization of Latin migrants and aliens in the United States (US) through law enforcement and legal political practice. Public citizens have divided opinion regarding immigrants, especially aliens, as they are undocumented and are deemed to destabilize internal public safety. Politicians in the US have also conduct political competitions in politicizing migrants through multitudes of official matters, and passing policies. One prominent example in politicizing migrant is Donald J. Trump, a popular unorthodox president of the US that views immigrants with hostility and skepticism. Trump antagonized the Latin migrants through the dangers they posed in the past combined with crime occurrences in his term, and justify protectionist policies by reducing border crosses through Mexico-US border and cutting down the number of Latin aliens and immigration in the country. Trump, through his famous Zero-tolerance policy, promoted attitudes that often encourage public citizens and law enforcers to view potential threats of immigrants, especially aliens. Trump’s campaign about Latin migrants changed the image of Latin migrants among Trump supporters as well as local law enforcers in viewing Latin migrants as a source of threat. This research finds that: Trump’s securitization of US against Latino migrants was lawfully and effectively projected through empowerment of federal level immigration and law enforcement agencies down to field officers.
本文通过执法和法律政治实践考察了特朗普对美国拉丁移民和外国人的证券化。公民对移民,特别是外国人的看法存在分歧,因为他们没有证件,被认为会破坏国内公共安全。美国的政治家们也通过大量的官方事务和通过政策,进行政治竞争,将移民政治化。将移民政治化的一个突出例子是唐纳德·j·特朗普(Donald J. Trump),这位颇受欢迎的非正统美国总统对移民持敌意和怀疑态度。特朗普通过拉丁移民过去带来的危险以及他任期内的犯罪事件来对抗他们,并通过减少墨西哥-美国边境的过境和减少拉丁外国人和移民的数量来为保护主义政策辩护。特朗普通过他著名的“零容忍”政策,倡导了一种态度,这种态度往往鼓励普通公民和执法人员审视移民,尤其是外国人的潜在威胁。特朗普关于拉丁移民的竞选改变了拉丁移民在特朗普支持者和当地执法人员中的形象,他们将拉丁移民视为威胁来源。本研究发现:特朗普针对拉丁裔移民的美国证券化是通过授权联邦移民和执法机构到现场官员而合法有效地实施的。
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引用次数: 0
The Comparison of The United States Foreign Policy Against The Islamic World Under President Barack Obama and President Donald Trump Administration 奥巴马和特朗普政府对伊斯兰世界的外交政策比较
Pub Date : 2022-11-04 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i2.13060
Diana Mutiara Bahari, Ahmad Sahide
The United States of America (USA) is an international concern, especially regarding the national election agenda. The presidential election of the world's leading superpower will impact the world's geopolitical order, such as the emergence of global political turmoil that has resulted in tensions in relations between the US and countries in the world, especially countries in the Islamic World. The 2016 US presidential election has captured international attention because it was won by a controversial figure, Donald Trump. The victory of Donald Trump to replace President Barack Obama marked a change in the style of US foreign policy towards the Islamic World. Therefore, the question arises of how the US foreign policy compares to the Islamic World in the era of President Obama and President Trump. This study uses a Foreign Policy Decision Making Theory. This study concludes that US foreign policy during the Obama administration was friendly to the Islamic World. On the other hand, US foreign policy during the Trump administration was not friendly to the Islamic World, which caused tension in relations between the US and the Islamic World.Keywords: US, Barack Obama, Donald Trump, Islamic World, Foreign Policy
美利坚合众国(美国)是一个国际关注的问题,特别是在全国选举议程方面。世界头号超级大国的总统选举将影响世界地缘政治秩序,例如全球政治动荡的出现,导致美国与世界各国,特别是伊斯兰世界国家的关系紧张。2016年美国总统大选吸引了国际关注,因为唐纳德·特朗普是一个有争议的人物。唐纳德•特朗普(Donald Trump)取代巴拉克•奥巴马(Barack Obama)当选总统,标志着美国对伊斯兰世界的外交政策风格发生了变化。因此,问题就来了,美国的外交政策与奥巴马总统和特朗普总统时代的伊斯兰世界相比如何。本研究运用外交政策决策理论。这项研究的结论是,奥巴马政府时期的美国外交政策对伊斯兰世界是友好的。另一方面,特朗普政府时期的美国外交政策对伊斯兰世界并不友好,导致美国与伊斯兰世界的关系紧张。关键词:美国,奥巴马,特朗普,伊斯兰世界,外交政策
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引用次数: 0
Cyber Diplomacy And Protection Measures Against Threats Of Information Communication Technology In Indonesia 印度尼西亚的网络外交与信息通信技术威胁的保护措施
Pub Date : 2021-11-24 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v5i2.12242
Muhammad Ridho Iswardhana
This article attempts to explain the forms of Indonesian cyber diplomacy related to the protection of the use of information technology. In this case, Indonesia as the fourth largest country in the world often gets cyber threats and attacks. This was then followed up with efforts to protect it domestically, but was constrained by threats from abroad.The research method used in this study uses a qualitative descriptive analytical approach using the theoretical framework of cyber diplomacy and the concept of information and communication technology. The case analysis will explain the causes and effects of holding Indonesian cyber diplomacy based on secondary data. The author finds that the Indonesian government does not only use a legal approach through the ITE Law, but also culture, technological renewal, and diplomacy towards various countries.
本文试图解释印尼在保护资讯科技使用方面的网路外交形式。在这种情况下,印度尼西亚作为世界第四大国家经常受到网络威胁和攻击。随后在国内采取了保护措施,但受到国外威胁的限制。本研究采用定性描述性分析方法,运用网络外交的理论框架和信息通信技术的概念。案例分析将解释基于二手数据的印度尼西亚网络外交的原因和影响。笔者发现,印尼政府不仅通过《ITE法》采取法律手段,还通过文化、技术革新、对各国的外交等手段。
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引用次数: 0
Indonesian Female Police Officer’s Deployment as International Police Officers in United Nations – African Union Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) (2016-2018) 印度尼西亚女警察作为联合国-非洲联盟达尔富尔特派团(达尔富尔混合行动)国际警察的部署(2016-2018)
Pub Date : 2021-11-12 DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v5i2.11648
Witri Elvianti, Meilisa Rusli
The main purpose is to analyze the role of Indonesian female police deployed as Individual Police Officers in the United Nations peacekeeping operation in Darfur from 2016 to 2018. This research was designed as a qualitative case study that triangulated data from previously published researches, institutional documents, and semi-structured qualitative interviews. Previous scholarly publications were used to observe gender deficit – which is the lack of female personnel in UN peacekeeping missions. Institutional documents, particularly ex-Indonesian female police reports, were analyzed to contribute to data enrichment in this research. Lastly, the authors conducted semi-structured qualitative interviews with some ex-female police who have completed their deployment in UNAMID (2016-2018). Concerning the gender equality and counterinsurgency concepts, this research figured out that Indonesian female police could demonstrate their strategic role to provide skill-building activities, trust-building with refugees, and human rights advocacy. The numbers of Indonesian female police in this mission remained higher than other Southeast Asian contributing countries, but the Indonesian female police were also functional in line with the UN gendering peace and security agenda.
主要目的是分析2016年至2018年在联合国达尔富尔维和行动中作为单兵警官部署的印度尼西亚女警察的作用。本研究被设计为一个定性案例研究,该研究对以前发表的研究、机构文件和半结构化定性访谈的数据进行了三角测量。以前的学术出版物被用来观察性别赤字——即联合国维和特派团中缺乏女性人员。对机构文件,特别是前印度尼西亚女警察的报告进行了分析,以丰富本研究的数据。最后,作者对一些已完成在达尔富尔混合行动部署(2016-2018年)的前女警察进行了半结构化定性访谈。在性别平等与平叛概念方面,本研究发现印尼女警察可以在提供技能培养活动、与难民建立信任、以及人权倡导等方面发挥战略作用。印度尼西亚女警察在该特派团中的人数仍然高于其他东南亚派遣国,但印度尼西亚女警察的职能也符合联合国的性别和平与安全议程。
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引用次数: 0
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Journal of Islamic World and Politics
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